Erasmus' Annotations on Revelation 22

The final two pages of Erasmus' annotations on Revelation from his 1516 printing of the New Testament contain the following comments about the text:

(1114/1126)

(1115/1126)

The following is a transcription and my amateur translation thereof, together with some notes.

EX CAPITE XIII

From Chapter 13 

Et admirata est universa terra post bestiam.) καὶ ἐθαυμάσθη ἐν ὅλῃ τῇ γῇ ὀπίσω τῷ θηρίου, id est admiratio fuit in tota terra post bestiam.

“And all the earth wondered after the beast.” καὶ ἐθαυμάσθη ἐν ὅλῃ τῇ γῇ ὀπίσω τῷ θηρίου That is, “there was wonder in the whole earth after the beast.”

Qui in captivitatem duxerit.) εἴ τις αἰχμαλωσίαν συνάγει, εἰς αἰχμαλωσίαν ὑπάγει. i. qui captivitatem contrahit, in captivitatem abit. Laurentius secus legit.

“He who will have led into captivity.” εἴ τις αἰχμαλωσίαν συνάγει, εἰς αἰχμαλωσίαν ὑπάγει. That is, “he who gathers captivity goes away into captivity.” That is, “he who draws together captivity goes into captivity.” Laurentius reads otherwise. 

TF note: Laurentius here refers to Lorenzo Valla.  Valla's annotation on this point reads:

(source)

Thus, Valla's Greek text (as reported) had an ἔχει before αἰχμαλωσίαν, which is certainly different.

Continuing with Erasmus:

Characterem in dextra.) χάραγμα, id est notam impressam, sive insculptam.

“The mark in the right hand.” χάραγμα, that is, an impressed mark, or an engraved one.

EX CAPITE XIIII

From Chapter 14 

Quod mixtum est mero.) τοῦ κεκερασμένου ἀκράτου; ut mero sit ablativi casus, et referatur ad vino. Nam Graecis κεράννυσθαι dicitur, quod infunditur in calicem bibituro, etiam si non diluatur aqua, aut alio potus genere.

 “That which is mixed with pure wine.” τοῦ κεκερασμένου ἀκράτου; Thus, “with pure” [TF note: lit. in Latin the word "mero" sometimes means "unmixed" (pure from admixture with water or other dilutants) with reference to wine, leading to an odd paradox that the mixed wine is unmixed.] is an ablative case and refers to “wine.” For among the Greeks to mix is said of what is poured into the cup for the one about to drink, even if it is not diluted with water or with another kind of drink.

Amodo iam dicit spiritus.) Graeci sic distinguunt, ut amodo sit finis sententiae, ut sit sensus post hac fore beatos qui in domino fuerint mortui. Deinde sequitur ναὶ λέγει τὸ πνεῦμα. Etiam dicit spiritus. Et hic etiam confirmantis est.

 “From now on, now says the Spirit.” The Greeks punctuate thus: that “from now on” is the end of the sentence, so that the sense is that thereafter those who have died in the Lord will be blessed. Then follows, “Yes, says the Spirit.” And here “yes” is also a word of one confirming. [TF note: In Latin, etiam can have the sense of "yes/actually" (as it does here] as well as "and also".  This explains Erasmus' felt need to explain what sense of etiam he means.  I can't think of a good English word that has a similar ambiguity to better translate Erasmus here.]

In lacum irae dei.) ληνόν, qui est lacus, in quem exprimitur uvarum liquor.

“Into the lake of the wrath of God.” The Greek is ληνόν, which is a vat into which the liquid of grapes is pressed out.

EX CAPITE XV

From Chapter 15 

Quia solus pius es.) ὅσιος. Laurentius legit ἅγιος, id est sanctus.

“Because you alone are pious.” ὅσιος Laurentius reads ἅγιος, that is, “holy.”

TF note: Lauentius here again refers to Valla. Valla's annotation on this point reads:

(source)

In other words, Valla claims that the Greek is ἅγιος, which contradicts what Erasmus found in his Greek manuscript.

Continuing with Erasmus:

Vestiri lapide mundo et candido.) Graece est λίνον, id est lino mundo. Interpres legisse videtur λίθον, quae dictio una duntaxat literula differt a lino. Et splendidum magis est quam candidum, λαμπρόν.

“To be clothed with a clean and white stone.” In Greek it is λίνον, that is, “with clean linen.” The translator seems to have read λίθον [TF: lit. “stone”], a word which differs by only one little letter from “linen.” And it  [TF: lit. “bright"] is more splendid than gleaming white [TF: translating "candidum" as "gleaming white" which seems to be an approximate synonym for the Greek word, so I don't know if Erasmus means to use the Greek word as appositive for candidum or if Erasmus is saying that the Latin word doesn't capture the true splendor, though I suspect the latter.], λαμπρόν.

EX CAPITE XVI

From Chapter 16 

Vulnus saevum ac pessimum.) κακὸν καὶ πονηρόν. i. malum ac malum; Graece enim bis idem dicitur. Nisi mavis miserum ac malum.

“A savage and very bad wound.” κακὸν καὶ πονηρόν. That is, “bad and bad,” for in Greek the same thing is said twice—unless you prefer “wretched and bad.”

Qui es, et qui eras.) Quamquam interpres mutavit personam, tamen totidem syllabis dictum est, quibus superius: qui est, qui erat, qui venturus est, ὁ ὢν, ὁ ἦν, ὁ ἐρχόμενος.

“You who are, and who were.” Although the translator changed the person [TF: that is, from third person "he is" to second person "you are".], nevertheless it is said with just as many syllables as above: “who is, who was, who is to come,” ὁ ὢν, ὁ ἦν, ὁ ἐρχόμενος.

Etiam domine.) ναὶ κύριε. Etiam confirmantis est.

“Even so, Lord.” ναὶ κύριε. “Yes” is again a word of one confirming. [TF: see note above regarding etiam.]

Grando magna sicut talentum.) ὡς ταλαντιαία. i. talentaris et magnitudine talenti. Talentum magnum antiquis dicebatur, unde quicquid ingens esset, id ταλαντιαῖον vocabant.

“Great hail as a talent.” ὡς ταλαντιαία. That is, of a talent, and of the size of a talent. A great weight was called by the ancients a talent; hence whatever was huge, they called talent-like. [TF: Without commenting Erasmus' more general usage point, from Josephus and other ancient sources (source) we find a meaning of talent as a unit of weight of approximately 120 lbs. The main point that this hail is being described as huge, is surely correct, whether John means a literal unit of measurement or not.] 

EX CAPITE XVII

From Chapter 17 

Supra bestiam coccineam.) κόκκινον, id est coccinam, purpuram regiam indicans.

 “Upon the scarlet beast.” κόκκινον, that is, scarlet-colored, indicating royal purple.

Et hic est sensus.) ὧδε ὁ νοῦς. i. haec est mens, sive intellectus.

“And here is the sense.” ὧδε ὁ νοῦς.  That is, “this is the meaning,” or “understanding.”

EX CAPITE XVIII

From Chapter 18 

Et in delitiis fuit.) καὶ ἐστρηνίασε, idem verbum, quo composito usus est Paulus in epistola ad Corinthios. Cum autem luxuriatae fuerint in Christo, volunt nubere; de quo pluribus suo dictum est loco. Item paulo post, οἱ στρηνιάσαντες, i. et lascivierunt.

“And she was in delights.” καὶ ἐστρηνίασε, this is the same word of which Paul used a compound in the epistle to the Corinthians: “When they have become wanton in Christ, they wish to marry” [TF note: I assume that Erasmus is referring to 1 Timothy 5:11, which in the TR has καταστρηνιάσωσιν "they have begun to wax wanton against" - presumably Erasmus is simply making an error of memory, thinking of the passage on marriage in 1 Corinthians 7, and conflating the admonition from 1 Timothy 5:11 with the "better to marry than to burn" in 1 Corinthians 7:9] ; concerning which more was said in its own place. Likewise a little later, οἱ στρηνιάσαντες that is, “and they acted wantonly.”

Lignum tinium.) θύϊνον.

 Wood of the Laurustinus. θύϊνον.

Et similae.) καὶ σεμίδαλιν.

 “And fine flour.” καὶ σεμίδαλιν.

Lapidem molarem magnum.) λίθον ὡς μύλον, id est lapide tanquam molam.

 “A great millstone.” λίθον ὡς μύλον that is, “a stone as though a millstone.” [TF note: I'm not sure if Erasmus here means molam to mean mill or millstone, but I've assumed the latter.]

Hoc impetu mittetur.) οὕτως ὁρμήματι βληθήσεται, id est impetu mittetur.

“With this impulse it will be thrown.” οὕτως ὁρμήματι βληθήσεται, that is, “it will be thrown with force.”

EX CAPITE XIX

From Chapter 19 

Quasi vocem magnam tubarum multarum.) ἤκουσα φωνὴν ὄχλου πολλοῦ. i. audivi vocem turbae multae. Proinde consentaneum est interpretem scripsisse turbarum, non tubarum.

“As a great voice of many trumpets.” ἤκουσα φωνὴν ὄχλου πολλοῦ, that is, “I heard the voice of a great multitude.” Therefore it is consistent that the translator wrote “of crowds,” not “of trumpets.” [TF note: I think Erasmus' point is that the original translator to Latin probably wrote "turbarum" (crowds/multitudes) not "tubarum" (trumpets), a difference of one letter in Latin.] 

Alleluia.) Quod Hebraeis sonat, laudate dominum. Siquidem הללו laudate, et יה dominus. Ea vox crebra est in psalmis: laudate dominum.

“Alleluia.” In Hebrew this sounds: “Praise the Lord.” For hallelu (הללו) means “praise,” and Jah (יה) means “Lord.” This expression is frequent in the Psalms: “Praise the Lord.”

Vide ne feceris.) ὅρα μή. i. vide ne. Feceris addidit interpres, quo magis explanaret sententiam.

 “See that you do not do it.” ὅρα μή that is, “see that not.” The translator added “do it” in order to explain the sentence more fully.

Et calcat torcular vini.) ληνόν, quod ante vertit lacum.

 “And he treads the winepress of wine.” The Greek is ληνόν, which earlier he translated “lake.”

[TF: From Chapter 20 - For no obvious reason, Erasmus didn't bother to provide chapter section headings beyond Chapter 19, but I have added them for the reader's convenience.]

Gog et Magog.) Accusativus casus est utriusque et generis masculini, quod articulus Graecus declarat: τὸν Γὼγ καὶ τὸν Μαγώγ, sive pro hominibus accipienda sunt sive pro gente. Nec est congregabit, sed συναγαγεῖν, i. ad congregandum, aut ut congreget eos. Porro eos non refert ad angulos, aut gentes, sed ad Gog et Magog.

“Gog and Magog.” The case is accusative for both, and masculine in gender, which the Greek article shows: τὸν Γὼγ καὶ τὸν Μαγώγ, whether they are to be taken for men or for a people. Nor is it “he will gather,” but συναγαγεῖν that is, “for gathering,” or “so that he may gather them.” [TF note: literally συναγαγεῖν is an aorist active infinitive and the KJV renders with an infinitive, more similar to Erasmus' second option],  Furthermore, “them” does not refer to the corners or to the nations, but to Gog and Magog. [TF: of course, if you agree with Erasmus about this, you will have to go with his view that Gog and Magog refer to nations, given what follows: "the number of whom is as the sand of the sea".]

[TF: From Chapter 21]

Ego sum alpha et ω.) γέγονα τὸ ἄλφα καὶ τὸ ὦ. Noster codex consentiebat cum vulgata horum temporum additione.

“I am Alpha and Omega.” γέγονα τὸ ἄλφα καὶ τὸ ὦ. Our manuscript agreed with the addition common in the edition of these times. [TF note: I am not sure what addition Erasmus has in mind here.  My guess is that he means "the beginning and end," which is present here but not Revelation 1:8, where it was added.]

Iaspidi sicut crystallum.) κρυσταλλίζοντι, id est crystallizanti, ut referat ad lapidem.

“Jasper, like crystal.” κρυσταλλίζοντι that is, “shining like crystal,” so that it refers to the stone. 

[TF: From Chapter 22]

Qui nocet noceat.) ὁ ἀδικῶν, id est qui male agit, sive qui iniustus. Et adhuc positum est pro amplius.

“He who harms, let him harm.” ὁ ἀδικῶν, that is, “he who acts badly,” or “he who is unjust.” And “still” is put for “further.”

Beati qui lavant stolas suas.) Longe aliud Graeci. μακάριοι οἱ ποιοῦντες τὰς ἐντολὰς αὐτοῦ, (Revelation 22:14) id est, beati qui faciunt mandata eius. Interpres legisse videtur, οἱ πλύνοντες τὰς στολὰς. Sed unde quod sequitur in sanguine agni? Nam id quidem apud Graecos prorsus non legitur.

“Blessed are those who wash their robes.” The Greek has something very different. μακάριοι οἱ ποιοῦντες τὰς ἐντολὰς αὐτοῦ, (Revelation 22:14) that is, "blessed are those who do his commandments." The translator seems to have read, οἱ πλύνοντες τὰς στολὰς. [TF note: lit. those washing the robes; the difference is of one Greek letter.] But whence is that which follows, ‘in the blood of the Lamb’? For that indeed is altogether not read among the Greeks. [TF: I have not studied this textual variant, but if there is no textual variant in the Greek, then the most likely source would be from Revelation 7:14]

Etiam venio cito. ναὶ ἔρχομαι ταχύ. (Revelation 22:20) Ναί est confirmantis. At idem adverbium mox repetitur Graecis, ναὶ ἔρχου κύριε Ἰησοῦ, id est, etiam veni domine Iesu.

"Indeed, I come quickly." ναὶ ἔρχομαι ταχύ. (Revelation 22:20) Ναί (TF: lit. yes/truly) is the word of one confirming. But the same adverb is soon repeated in the Greek: ναὶ ἔρχου κύριε Ἰησοῦ, that is, "indeed, come, Lord Jesus." 

TF: This verse is not found in the only Greek manuscript that Erasmus had, a fact that he alludes to in the very next portion of the annotations.  For this observation about verse 20, Erasmus seems to be dependent on Lorenzo Valla, although Erasmus does not expressly mention his name here. Specifically, Valla's Annotation says:

Transcription of Valla: Etiam venio cito amen veni domine Iesu. Graece non solum ante verbum venio est etiam; sed et ante verbum veni ναὶ ἔρχομαι ταχύ· ἀμήν, ναὶ ἔρχου κύριε Ἰησοῦ. 

Translation of Valla: "Yes, I come quickly; amen, come, Lord Jesus." In Greek, not only before the word “I come” is there “yes,” but also before the word “come”: ναὶ ἔρχομαι ταχύ· ἀμήν, ναὶ ἔρχου κύριε Ἰησοῦ.

Continuing with Erasmus:

Quamquam in calce huius libri, nonnulla verba reperi apud nostros, quae aberant in Graecis exemplaribus, ea tamen ex Latinis adiecimus. Testatur divus Hieronymus Apocalypsim, ne sua quidem aetate fuisse receptam a Graecis. Ad haec quosdam eruditissimos viros, totum hoc argumentum, ceu fictum, multis conviciis insectatos fuisse, quasi nihil haberet apostolicae gravitatis, sed vulgatam tantum rerum historiam figurarum involucris adumbratam.

Although at the end of this book I found among our people some words which were absent in the Greek copies, nevertheless we added them from the Latin copies. Saint Jerome testifies that the Apocalypse, not even in his own age, had been received by the Greeks. Besides these things, some very learned men attacked this whole subject, as though fictitious, with many reproaches, as if it had nothing of apostolic gravity, but only a common history of events sketched under the coverings of figures. 

Ut de his interim nihil dicam, me nonnihil moverunt tum aliae coniecturae, tum illa, quod revelationes scribens tam sollicite suum inculcat nomen: Ego Ioannes, ego Ioannes; perinde quasi syngrapham scriberet, non librum; idque non solum praeter morem aliorum apostolorum, verum multo magis praeter suum morem, qui in evangelio modestiora narrans, non exprimit tamen usquam suum vocabulum, sed notulis indicat. Et Paulus coactus referre de visionibus suis, rem sub alterius exponit persona. At hic tam arcana cum angelis colloquia describens, quot locis inculcat, Ego Ioannes.

That I may say nothing for the moment about these things, some other conjectures moved me somewhat, and also this one: that, while writing the revelations, he so carefully presses his own name: ‘I John, I John,’ just as though he were writing a contract, not a book; and this not only contrary to the custom of the other apostles, but much more contrary to his own custom, who, while narrating more modest things in the Gospel, nevertheless nowhere expresses his own name, but indicates it by little signs. And Paul, when compelled to report concerning his own visions, sets forth the matter under the person of another. But this man, while describing such secret conversations with angels, in how many places does he press the words, ‘I John.’ 

Ad haec in Graecis quos ego viderim codicibus, non erat titulus Ioannis evangelistae, sed Ioannis theologi, ut ne commemorem stilum non parum dissonantem ab eo qui est in evangelio et epistola. Nam de locis, quos quidam calumniati sunt, velut haereticorum quorundam dogmata redolentes, non magni negotii sit diluere; haec, inquam, me nonnihil moverunt, quo minus crederem esse Ioannis evangelistae, nisi me consensus orbis alio vocaret, praecipue vero autoritas ecclesiae, si tamen hoc opus hoc animo comprobat ecclesia, ut Ioannis evangelistae velit haberi, et pari esse pondere cum caeteris canonicis libris.

Besides these things, in the Greek manuscripts which I have seen, the title was not ‘of John the Evangelist,’ but ‘of John the Theologian’; not to mention the style, which is not a little discordant from that which is in the Gospel and the Epistle. For concerning the passages which some have accused, as though smelling of the doctrines of certain heretics, it would not be a matter of great business to refute them. These things, I say, moved me somewhat, so that I was less inclined to believe it to be of John the Evangelist, unless the consensus of the world were calling me elsewhere, and especially the authority of the Church—if, however, the Church approves this work with this intention, that it wishes it to be held as belonging to John the Evangelist, and to be of equal weight with the other canonical books. 

Iam Dorotheus Tyri episcopus ac martyr in compendio vitarum prodidit Ioannem evangelium suum scripsisse in insula Patmo. Caeterum de Apocalypsi nullam omnino facit mentionem. Nec Anastasius quidem in suo Catalogo audet affirmare opus hoc illius esse; tantum ait receptum a quibusdam tanquam illius opus. Equidem video veteres theologos magis ornandae rei gratia hinc adducere testimonia, quam ut rem seriam evincant. Quandoquidem inter gemmas etiam nonnihil est discriminis, et aurum est auro purius ac probatius. In sacris quoque rebus, aliud est alio sacratius. Qui spiritualis est, ut inquit Paulus, omnia diiudicat et a nemine diiudicatur.

Now Dorotheus, bishop of Tyre and martyr, has handed down in his compendium of lives that John wrote his Gospel on the island Patmos. But concerning the Apocalypse he makes absolutely no mention. Nor indeed does Anastasius, in his Catalogue, dare to affirm that this work is his; he says only that it was received by some as though it were his work. Indeed, I see that the ancient theologians bring testimonies from here more for the sake of adorning a matter than so that they may prove a serious matter. Since even among gems there is some distinction, and gold is purer and more approved than gold. Also in sacred things, one thing is more sacred than another. He who is spiritual, as Paul says, judges all things and is judged by no one.” 

TF note: I obviously don't agree with or endorse Erasmus' skepticism regarding the authority of Revelation.  I am simply reporting what he wrote.  

Peter of Laodicea on the Lord's Prayer

Peter of Laodicea (7th or 8th century?) created a commentary on Matthew that, as far as I have been able to determine, has been published only in Greek (link to 1905 publication, or at least, not in English).  As I'm compiling patristic commentaries on the Lord's Prayer, I was pointed to this work. I now offer my amateur attempt at a transcription and translation of his commentary on Matthew 6:9-13. 

Τότε πατὴρ ἡμῶν ὁ θεὸς χρηματίζει, ὅτε διὰ τῆς τοῦ πνεύματος ἐπιφοιτήσεως τῆς υἱοθεσίας Χριστοῦ ἀξιωθῶμεν. ὁ γὰρ πατέρα καλῶν τὸν θεὸν ὀφείλει καθαρὸς εἶναι ἀπὸ ἁμαρτιῶν καὶ κληρονόμος τῆς βασιλείας τῶν οὐρανῶν· θρασὺς δὲ ὁ μορφωθεὶς πρὸς τὸν διάβολον, λέγων πατέρα τὸν θεὸν, ὃν οὐ δοξάζει. εἰπὼν δὲ τὸ ἡμῶν ἕνα τοὺς πολλοὺς δείκνυσιν ὡς ἑνὸς σώματος, μιᾶς ἁπάντων οὔσης κεφαλῆς τοῦ θεοῦ· ὑπεμφαίνει δὲ καὶ τὸ ὑπὲρ ἀλλήλων εὔχεσθαι ὡς ὅτι πάντες ἀδελφοί ἐσμεν. 

Then God is called our Father, when through the visitation of the Spirit we have been deemed worthy of the adoption of Christ. For the one calling God Father ought to be clean from sins and an heir of the kingdom of the heavens; but bold is the one who has been formed toward the devil, saying that God is Father, whom he does not glorify. And by saying the “our,” he shows the many to be one, as of one body, God being the one head of all; and he also intimates the praying for one another, since we are all brothers.

τὸ δὲ ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς ὅταν εἴπῃ, οὐκ ἐκεῖ τὸν θεὸν συγκλείων τοῦτό φησιν, ἀλλὰ τῆς γῆς ἀπάγων τὸν εὐχόμενον καὶ τοῖς ὑψηλοῖς προσηλῶν. τὸ δὲ ἁγιασθήτω οὐ προστακτικῶς, εὐκτικῶς δέ, οἷον ἁγιασθείη, οὐχ ἵνα ἐκ βεβήλου ἁγιασθῇ, ἀλλ’ ἵνα ἡμῖν ἀποκαλυφθείσης τῆς ἀγαθότητος αὐτοῦ ἀξίως αὐτοῦ διδῶμεν ἁγιότητα ὀνομάζοντες θεόν. βασιλείαν δὲ θεοῦ ἢ τὴν μέλλουσαν τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀπόλαυσιν φησὶν ἢ τὴν διὰ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος δωρεὰν ἢ τὴν δευτέραν αὐτοῦ παρουσίαν. ἐπειδὴ δὲ φύσει θεὸς ὢν ὁ Χριστὸς οἰκονομικῶς καλεῖται βασιλεὺς ὡς ἄνθρωπος, ἐπεύχονται οἱ πιστοὶ τοῦτο καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀπίστους ἐλθεῖν, ἵνα εἰς Χριστὸν πιστεύσαντες βασιλέα ἴδιον ἐπιγράφωνται αὐτόν. 

And whenever he says the “in the heavens,” he says this not as shutting God up there, but as leading away the one praying from the earth and nailing him to the things on high.

And the “let it be hallowed” is not imperatively, but optatively, as, “may it be hallowed”; not so that it may be hallowed from being profane, but so that, his goodness having been revealed to us, we may fittingly give holiness to him, naming him God.

And by “kingdom of God” he means either the future enjoyment of good things, or the gift through the Holy Spirit, or his second coming. And since Christ, being God by nature, is called King economically as man, the faithful pray also that this may come upon the unbelievers, so that, having believed in Christ, they may inscribe him as their own King.

τὸ δὲ γενηθήτω τὸ θέλημά σου τοῦτο δηλοῖ· ὥσπερ ἐν οὐρανῷ καθαρῶς καὶ ἀμέμπτως πάντες οἱ ἄγγελοι πολιτεύονται, οὕτω καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐν τῇ γῇ ποίησον. ἢ οὕτως· ὥσπερ οἱ ἄγγελοι ἐν οὐρανοῖς εἰσιν, οὕτω καὶ ἡμᾶς ἀξίωσον ἐν τῇ ἀναστάσει τοῦ πνευματικοῦ καὶ καθαροῦ σώματος. Ἐπιούσιον δὲ ἄρτον ἢ τὸν συνιστῶντα τὸ σῶμα ἡμῶν φησι, τουτέστι τὸν ἐφήμερον, ἤτοι τὸν ἐπιόντα καὶ προσδοκώμενον τοῦ πνεύματος ζωοποιὸν ἄρτον, τουτέστι τὸν μέλλοντα. ὠνοματοπεποίηται τοίνυν τὸ ἐπιούσιον ἢ παρὰ τὸ ἐπιέναι καὶ ἐπέρχεσθαι, ἢ τὸν μὴ τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος αἰῶνος οἰκεῖον, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἀποδοθησόμενον ἐν τῷ μέλλοντι τοῖς ἁγίοις δὸς ἡμῖν ἤδη· ἢ ἐπείπερ οὐσία κυρίως ἐστὶν ἡ ἑστῶσα καὶ βέβαιος, οἷα ἡ τῆς ψυχῆς ἡμῶν φύσις φοροῦσα τὸ κατ’ εἰκόνα τοῦ ἀοράτου θεοῦ, κατὰ τοῦτο λέγοιτ’ ἂν ὁ τῇ κυρίως οὐσίᾳ ὁμιλῶν ἄρτος, ἐπιούσιος θεὸς ὢν, λόγος, ζῶν ἄρτος. 

And the “Let your will be done” makes this clear: just as in heaven all the angels conduct themselves purely and blamelessly, so also make human beings on the earth [to do so].

Or thus: just as the angels are in the heavens, so also count us worthy, in the resurrection, of the spiritual and pure body.

And by “supersubstantial bread” he means either the bread that sustains our body, that is, the bread for the day; or else the coming and expected life-giving bread of the Spirit, that is, the future bread. Therefore the word “supersubstantial” has been named either from “to come on” and “to approach,” or [it means]: “Give us already the bread that is not proper to the present age, but that which is going to be given in the future to the saints.”

Or, since “substance” in the proper sense is that which stands firm and is sure, such as the nature of our soul, bearing that which is according to the image of the invisible God, according to this the bread that has dealings with the substance in the proper sense might be called “supersubstantial,” being God, Word, living bread.

εἶτα δυσωπῶν ὁ λόγος ἀμνησικακεῖν, συνειδότας ἑαυτοῖς ἁμαρτίας μετριάζειν διδάσκει τὸ τῶν ἴσων θέλειν τυχεῖν. φησὶ γάρ· καὶ ἄφες ἡμῖν τὰ ὀφειλήματα ἡμῶν. πᾶν δὲ ἁμάρτημα ὀφείλημά ἐστιν· εἰ γὰρ μὴ ἐνδύσηταί τις τὴν τῆς ἀμνησικακίας ἀρετήν, οὐ δύναται τυχεῖν ἀφέσεως. εἶτα διδάσκει μὴ παραιτεῖσθαι τοὺς ἀγῶνας, πλὴν μὴ ἐπιρρίπτειν ἑαυτούς· εἰ δὲ ἀνάγκη καλέσοι, δεῖ εὔχεσθαι τοῦ ῥυσθῆναι· ὁ γὰρ ἐν τῇ πάλη νικῶν καὶ μὴ ἐγκαταλειπόμενος οὐκ εἰσέρχεται εἰς πειρασμόν. πειρασμὸς γάρ ἐστιν ἡ ἧττα καὶ ἡ ἀπὸ τοῦ διαβόλου πλάνη· ὁ δὲ μὴ εἰσελθὼν εἰς δίκτυα πειρασμοῦ ἐρρύσθη ἀπὸ τοῦ πονηροῦ. πονηρὸς δέ ἐστιν ὁ διάβολος οὐ φύσει, ἀλλὰ προαιρέσει·οὐ γὰρ τῶν ἐκ φύσεως ἐστὶν ἡ πονηρία, ἀλλ’ ἐξ αὐτεξουσίου κακίας καὶ πονηρίας γίνεται· κατ’ ἐξοχὴν δὲ οὗτος καλεῖται διὰ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς κακίας. τὸ δὲ ὅτι σοῦ ἐστιν ἡ βασιλεία καὶ ἡ δύναμις ἐν τισιν οὐ κεῖται μέχρι τοῦ ἀμήν.

Then, the Word, importuning [us] to be without remembrance of wrongs, teaches those conscious to themselves of sins to be moderate, by wishing to obtain equal things. For he says: “And forgive us our debts.”

And every sin is a debt; for unless someone puts on the virtue of not remembering wrongs, he is not able to obtain forgiveness.

Then he teaches not to decline the contests, yet not to throw ourselves upon them; but if necessity should call, it is necessary to pray to be delivered. For the one conquering in the wrestling and not being abandoned does not enter into temptation. For temptation is defeat and the deception from the devil; but the one who has not entered into the nets of temptation has been delivered from the evil one.

And the devil is evil, not by nature, but by choice; for wickedness is not among the things from nature, but comes to be from self-chosen evil and wickedness. And he is called this preeminently because of the excess of his wickedness.

And the “For yours is the kingdom and the power” is not found in some [copies] as far as the “Amen.”

What is particularly interesting here is that Peter recognizes the division among the Greek copies, with some including a doxology and others not including it.  Peter opts not to comment on this portion, possibly suggesting that he does not think it is original.  However, since he does not say that it is not original, we can only be confident that he was aware that there was, at his time, a textual variant in the Greek copies on this particular point.

Cyril of Jerusalem, Theodore of Mopsuestia, and Jacob of Serugh on the Lord's Prayer

Cyril of Jerusalem (313-386), Catechetical Lecture XXIII, On the Mysteries V, Section 11-18 (as provided here, with at least some corrections and notes by the present author):

11. Then, after these things, we say that Prayer which the Saviour delivered to His own disciples, with a pure conscience entitling God our Father, and saying, Our Father, which art in heaven. O most surpassing loving-kindness of God! On them who revolted from Him and were in the very extreme of misery has He bestowed such a complete forgiveness of evil deeds, and so great participation of grace, as that they should even call Him Father. Our Father, which art in heaven; and they also are a heaven who bear the image of the heavenly (cf. 1 Corinthians 15:49), in whom is God, dwelling and walking in them.

12. Hallowed be Thy Name. The Name of God is in its nature holy, whether we say so or not; but since it is sometimes profaned among sinners, according to the words, Through you My Name is continually blasphemed among the Gentiles (Ezekiel 36:22 as quoted in Romans 2:24; Cf. Isaiah 52:5), we pray that in us God's Name may be hallowed; not that it comes to be holy from not being holy, but because it becomes holy in us, when we are made holy, and do things worthy of holiness.

13. Thy kingdom come. A pure soul can say with boldness, Thy kingdom come; for he who has heard Paul saying, Let not therefore sin reign in your mortal body (Romans 6:12), and has cleansed himself in deed, and thought, and word, will say to God, Thy kingdom come.

14. Thy will be done as in heaven so on earth. God's divine and blessed Angels do the will of God, as David said in the Psalm, Bless the Lord, all ye Angels of His, mighty in strength, that do His pleasure. (Psalm 103:21; cf. Psalm 148:2) So then in effect thou meanest this by thy prayer, "as in the Angels Thy will is done, so likewise be it done on earth in me, O Lord."

15. Give us this day our substantial bread. This common bread is not substantial bread, but this Holy Bread is substantial, that is, appointed for the substance of the soul. For this Bread goeth not into the belly and is cast out into the draught (cf. Mark 7:19 or Matthew 15:17), but is distributed into thy whole system for the benefit of body and soul. But by this day, he means, "each day," as also Paul said, While it is called to-day. (Heb. 3:15)

16. And forgive us our debts as we also forgive our debtors. For we have many sins. For we offend both in word and in thought (cf. James 3:2), and very many things we do worthy of condemnation; and if we say that we have no sin, we lie (1 John 1:8), as John says.  And we make a covenant with God, entreating Him to forgive us our sins, as we also forgive our neighbours their debts. Considering then what we receive and in return for what, let us not put off nor delay to forgive one another. The offences committed against us are slight and trivial, and easily settled; but those which we have committed against God are great, and need such mercy as His only is. Take heed therefore, lest for the slight and trivial sins against thee thou shut out for thyself forgiveness from God for thy very grievous sins.

17. And lead us not into temptation, O Lord [TF note: I haven't italicized "O Lord," though perhaps he includes such in his quotation.]. Is this then what the Lord teaches us to pray, that we may not be tempted at all? How then is it said elsewhere, "a man untempted, is a man unproved;" [TF note: From Schaff's printing, we find the following footnote: "Tertull. De Bapt. c. 20: “For the word had gone before ‘that no one untempted should attain to the celestial kingdoms.’” Apost. Const. II. viii.: “The Scripture says, ‘A man that is a reprobate (ἀδόκιμος) is not tried (ἀπείραστος) by God.’” Resch, Agrapha, Logion 26, p. 188, quotes allusions to the saying in Jas. i. 12, 13; 2 Cor. xiii. 5, 6, 7, and concludes that it was recorded as a saying of our Lord in one of the un-canonical gospels (Luke i. 1), where it occurred in the context of the incident narrated in Matt. xxvi. 41, Mark xiv. 38.") and again, My brethren, count it all joy when ye fall into divers temptations? (James 1:2) But does perchance the entering into temptation mean the being overwhelmed by the temptation? For temptation is, as it were, like a winter torrent difficult to cross. Those therefore who are not overwhelmed in temptations, pass through, shewing themselves excellent swimmers, and not being swept away by them at all; while those who are not such, enter into them and are overwhelmed. As for example, Judas having entered into the temptation of the love of money, swam not through it, but was overwhelmed and was strangled both in body and spirit (Cf. Matthew 27:5). Peter entered into the temptation of the denial; but having entered, he was not overwhelmed by it, but manfully swam through it, and was delivered from the temptation (Cf. Luke 22:31-34). Listen again, in another place, to a company of unscathed saints, giving thanks for deliverance from temptation, Thou, O God hast proved us; Thou hast tried us by fire like as silver is tried. Thou broughtest us into the net; Thou layedst afflictions upon our loins. Thou hast caused men to ride over our heads; we went through fire and water; and thou broughtest us out into a place of rest. Thou seest them speaking boldly in regard to their having passed through and not been pierced. But Thou broughtest us out into a place of rest (Psalm 66:10-12); now their coming into a place of rest is their being delivered from temptation.

18. But deliver us from the evil. If Lead us not into temptation implied the not being tempted at all, He would not have said, But deliver us from the evil. Now evil is our adversary the devil, from whom we pray to be delivered. Then after completing the prayer thou sayest, Amen; by this Amen, which means "So be it," setting thy seal to the petitions of the divinely-taught prayer.

Notice that the "Amen" is not properly part of the prayer itself for Cyril, for he says, "after completing the prayer," and that there is no doxology present in the prayer.  Moreover, there is no other good explanation that can be offered for why Cyril would not comment on the doxology, if it were even liturgically present (as the "amen" was in Cyril's liturgy).  

Theodore of Mopsuestia (AD 350 – 428) wrote a commentary on the Lord's Prayer and on the two sacraments.  I reproduce, below, the end of Chapter I (Chapter II begins the subject of Baptism) in the form of a series of homilies (full text available in translation here):

He calls "to offend" the act of injuring by wickedness and obstinacy those who for the sake of perfection strive to lead a humble and pure life. Because of all this, after He had said, "And lead us not into temptation," He added: But deliver us from evil, because the wicked Satan injures us much in all the above things, as he endeavours in different ways to do things through which he thinks that he is able to divert us from our love and choice of duty.

Our Lord embodied perfection of works in the above words of prayer and taught us clearly how we are to be, in what we are to be diligent, from what we have to flee, and what to ask of God. And our blessed Fathers who thought that, together with the right teaching and the true faith, we ought also to strive after a good life and good works, ordered this prayer for those who draw near to the gift of baptism so that side by side with an accurate doctrine concerning the creed of the faith they might through prayer so order our life as to possess that perfection which is required of those who receive the gift of baptism, and through which they are counted in the number of the citizens of the heavenly life, while still on this earth.

Endeavour now to keep clearly in your mind the things which you have learnt in short words from the Lord's prayer, and meditate upon them with diligence in order that, while still in this world and far from the next, you may imitate and follow the teaching of our Lord, and thus be worthy of the heavenly benefits in which we are all enabled to participate by the grace of the Only Begotten Son of God, to whom, in conjunction with the Father and the Holy Spirit, be glory, now, always, and for ever and ever. Amen.

Notice that Theodore provides a sort of doxological conclusion to his chapter/homily, which has already begun the transition to the next topic of discussion.  There is, however, no mention of the Lord's Prayer containing any doxology, such as is found in the King James Version.

Jacob of Serugh (AD 452-521) also known as Jacob of Sarug or Mar Jacob has a homily on the Lord's Prayer.  In section XIII, he writes:

Deliver me from the enemy who fights with me, for I cannot conquer him without Your aid. Do not look to me to conquer in that great occasion of bloodshed. Take for Yourself the battle and the victory befitting You. Deliver me from it and let the crown and fame be Yours, and neither attribute to me triumph, nor victory. Deliver me from it and let the entire glory of the athlete be reserved for You, for You have conquered the enemy. Deliver me from it and let defeat pursue me, for I confess, I have already been defeated – You conquered me. Without You I cannot conquer in battle. Let me not be tested, deliver me from it without trial. In mercy, deliver me from Satan who fights with me, for all the victories You shall take befit You. Deliver me from him (i.e. Satan), for Yours is the power and the kingdom and the authority – and also the glory. And also when one conquers – whatever he conquers – he does so by You, for all strength and power belong to You.

This is then followed by section XIV, in which a summary of the Lord's Prayer homily is provided.  You will notice that there is some kind of doxological content at the end of the discussion of "deliver us from the Evil One."  It is not, however, discussed in the same way as the the petition is discussed, so it is not clear whether Jacob sees this as a kind of liturgical flourish on top of the prayer, or whether it is properly part of the prayer.  If the latter, it should be noted that it is similar to, but not the same as the KJV's doxology, "For thine is the kingdom, and the power, and the glory, for ever. Amen."  The main differences are the inclusion of "authority" as well as "strength" (But compare Daniel 2:37) and the exclusion of the durative "for ever" and the affirmative "amen".   

Work Dubiously Attributed to Isaac "the Jew" and the Three Heavenly Witnesses

Isaac Iudaeus (aka Isaac the Jew) was a Jew who converted to Christianity and flourished around the time of Pope Damasus (Damasus, bishop of Rome), specifically AD 384, according to the editor of the Corpus Christianorum Series Latina, who is identified as "A. Hoste," probably Dom Anselm Hoste (CCSL, Vol. 9, p. 333).  There is a tractate, known as "Fides Isatis ex Iudeao" or "Fide Isacis" (Faith of Isaac the Jew), which Hoste acknowledges to be genuine.  

On the other hand, there is a work sometimes ascribed to this same Isaac the Jew, known as the "Expositio Fidei Catholicae" (Exposition of the Catholic Faith), but which the Clavis Patrum Latinorum (n. 190) is reluctant to acknowledge as authentic and multiple scholars agree.  The work is preserved in a single 8th century manuscript.

The critically restored text in CCSL, vol. 9, is as follows:

(p. 347)

(p. 348)

Here's my transcription of the Latin text:

EXPOSITIO FIDEI CATHOLICAE

Credimus unum deum secundum scripturam esse credendum, non sicut Iudaei aut haeretici, solitarium, sed in mysterio trinitatis, id est patrem et filium et spiritum sanctum, tres personas, non tamen tres deos. 

Personas autem sic dicimus, ut non diuinitatem haeretico sensu membris, sicut hominem, conponamus, quia diuinitas quae est incorporalis tam inmensa est, tam inextimabilis, ut intra se omnia contineat, ipsa autem circumscribi non possit, sed ut patrem et filium et spiritum sanctum unum et indiuisum esse ita in diuinitate ac uirtute <credamus>, ut tres in personis, id est ut patrem credamus non esse filium, filium uero credamus non esse patrem, spiritum autem sanctum nec patrem esse nec filium; quia pater est ingenitus, filius uero sine initio genitus a patre est, spiritus autem santus processit a patre et accipit de filio, sicut euangelista testatur, quia scriptum est: Tres sunt, qui dicunt testimonium in caelo: pater, uerbum et spiritus, et haec tria unum sunt in Christo Iesu. Non tamen dixit: unus est in Christo Iesu. 

Et in euangelio dicit: Ite, baptizate gentes in nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti. Et denuo ipse dominus dicit: Ego et pater unum sumus. Et in psalmis legimus: Dicit dominus domino meo: Sede a dextris meis. Et in euangelio Iohannis sic dicit: In principio erat uerbum, et uerbum erat apud deum, et deus erat uerbum. 

Deum ergo dicendum uerbum, id est filium qui est apud patrem. Deum bis nominando deum patrem et filium designauit personas. Et in Genesi deus pater ad deum filium dicit: Faciamus hominem ad imaginem et similitudinem nostram. Et denuo: Fecit deus hominem ad imaginem dei. 

Igitur ter deum dicendo non tres deos dixit, sed unum deum in tribus personis demonstrauit, nullum sane, sicut Arrius, altero maiorem. Quia autem tempore aut mensura aut honore unus quisque alio maior <non> est, ideo nos credimus, filium dei sine tempore a patre genitum. Quomodo potest minor esse tempore, qui ante tempore est? Aut quomodo mensura minor creditur, qui inmensus et inextimabilis est? et infinitus est? ac honore minor est, cum sit filius dei et deus? Vnum enim dei nomen est. 

Quando autem sit filius a patre genitus, aut ubi, aut quomodo, non licet dici, neque amplius scrutari. Quando autem dicendo tempus designas, ubi requirendo locum significas, quomodo scrutando mensuram uideris exprimere. Et haec tria in domino non cadunt, quia est inextimabilis, inmensus, infinitus, et quia locum non capit, quem mens nostra, quae modo concluditur, <inuestigare possit>. 

Inuestigare nemo potens factorem et dominum suum. Sicut ergo in hac trinitate una et inseparabilis est substantia atque diuinitas, ita et una est omnipotentia, non tres. Omnipotentia enim in eo dicitur, quod potentia et uirtute sua deus ex nihilo fecit uniuersa, id est caelestia et terrestria, carnalia et spiritalia, lucem atque tenebras, uisibilia et inuisibilia, angelos et animas et quidquid praeter deum mens humana crediderit. 

Et haec bona per filium facta sunt, sanctificata spiritu sancto, quem paracletum appellamus, qui super apostolis...

Here is my unprofessional translation of the Latin text (I would welcome a more professional translation):

Exposition of the Catholic Faith

We believe that one God, according to Scripture, is to be believed—not, as the Jews or heretics, solitary, but in the mystery of the Trinity, that is, the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, three persons, yet not three gods.

But we speak of persons in this way: not so that we may compose the divinity, in a heretical sense, with limbs, as a human being, because the divinity, which is incorporeal, is so immense, so inestimable, that it contains all things within itself, but itself cannot be circumscribed; but so that we may believe the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit to be one and undivided in divinity and power, while three in persons—that is, so that we believe the Father not to be the Son, and we believe the Son not to be the Father, and the Holy Spirit to be neither the Father nor the Son. For the Father is unbegotten, but the Son was begotten by the Father without beginning, and the Holy Spirit proceeded from the Father and receives from the Son, as the evangelist testifies, because it is written: “There are three who speak testimony in heaven: the Father, the Word, and the Spirit, and these three are one in Christ Jesus.” Yet he did not say: “This is [TF note: i.e., in the singular] one in Christ Jesus.”

And in the Gospel he says: “Go, baptize the nations in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit.” And again the Lord himself says: “I and the Father are one.” And in the Psalms we read: “The Lord said to my Lord: Sit at my right hand.” And in the Gospel of John he speaks thus: “In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and God was the Word.”

Therefore the Word is to be called God, that is, the Son who is with the Father. By naming God twice, he designated the persons, God the Father and the Son. And in Genesis God the Father says to God the Son: “Let us make man according to our image and likeness.” And again: “God made man according to the image of God.”

Therefore, by saying “God” three times, he did not speak of three gods, but showed one God in three persons—certainly no one, as Arius, greater than another. But because each one is not greater than another in time or measure or honor, therefore we believe the Son of God to have been begotten by the Father without time. How can he be lesser in time, who is before time? Or how is he believed to be lesser by measure, who is immeasurable and inestimable? And is he infinite? And is he lesser in honor, since he is the Son of God and God? For there is one name of God.

But when the Son was begotten by the Father, or where, or how, it is not permitted to say, nor to investigate further. For when, by saying “when,” you indicate time; by asking “where,” you signify place; by investigating “how,” you seem to express measure. And these three things do not fall upon the Lord, because he is inestimable, immeasurable, infinite, and because he does not take up place—whom our mind, which is now enclosed, is not able to investigate [TF note: the scholarly conjecture "investigare possit" suggests we "can investigate" it, but see the next line of the text].

No one is able to investigate his Maker and Lord. Therefore, just as in this Trinity there is one and inseparable substance and divinity, so also there is one omnipotence, not three. For omnipotence is spoken of in this, that God, by his own power and strength, made all things out of nothing, that is, heavenly and earthly things, fleshly and spiritual things, light and darkness, visible and invisible things, angels and souls, and whatever the human mind might believe besides God.

And these good things were made through the Son, sanctified by the Holy Spirit, whom we call the Paraclete, who upon the apostles...

A few observations about the form of the Johannine Comma as found here.  First, the text of the comma is: "Tres sunt, qui dicunt testimonium in caelo: pater, uerbum et spiritus, et haec tria unum sunt in Christo Jesu."

We cannot tell from this quotation whether this comes before or after the earthly witnesses for Ps-Isaac.  The text, such as is present, differs only slightly from Priscillian's text: "tria sunt quae testimonium dicunt in caelo: pater, uerbum et spiritus et haec tria unum sunt in Christo Jesu." (see more complete discussion of Priscillian here)

Thus, like Priscillian's text, "in Christ Jesus" is present and the phrase "these three are one in Christ Jesus" uses neuter forms of "these" and "three". Also like Priscillian's text, the word "holy" does not accompany "spirit".  Additionally, like Priscillian's text, the concept of testifying is expressed in terms of uttering testimony, although the order of the words is swapped.  Notably, perhaps, "three" and "which" are masculine in the first instance, in contrast to Priscillian.   

Ps-Isaac does not explicitly identify John as the author, but does ascribe the phrase to the "evangelist."  By contrast, Priscillian says John said it, but does not specify whether it is John the Evangelist.

Among scholarly references to the work, we have:

• "32. Dubie Isaac Iudaeus (fl. c. 384), Expositio fidei catholicae; CPL 190; PF/EF." (Gyug, R. F. (2017). Ritual, Text and Law: Studies in Medieval Canon Law and Liturgy Presented to Roger E. Reynolds. United Kingdom: Taylor & Francis.  link)
• "18] f. 74r-v, <Expositio fidei catholica, mutila alla fine> (<inter dubia> di Isaac = Ambrosiaster ? CPL 190, da questo solo codice; <in Africa saec. V-VI composita >, F. Stegmüller, Repertorium Biblicum Medii Aevi, VI, ..." (Italia medioevale e umanistica. (1989). Italy: Editrice Antenore.. link)
• "The other critic is the author of an Expositio fidei catholicae[52], a text which is related to the Fides of Isaac the Jew.[53] Here the phrase clearly occurs as a variant of the Comma Johannaeum. The Expositio reads: Tres sunt qui dicunt testimonium in caelo: pater, uerbum et spiritus, at haec tria unum sunt in Christo Jesu. Then follows the criticism: Non tamen dixit: 'unus est in Christo Iesu.'" (Bijdragen tijdschrift voor filosofie en theologie. (1991). Netherlands: Redactie Bijdragen. p. 362)

There is a problem of trying to date this work.  Clare K. Rothschild sums up the state of the scholarship this way:

(Rothschild, C. K. (2022). The Muratorian Fragment: Text, Translation, Commentary. Germany: Mohr Siebeck., p. 132)

In short, there are some scholars who date the text (as distinct from the manuscript) to the fifth or sixth century, others that date it as early as the second half of the fourth century.  The dating of the text is, unhelpfully for us, tied to the emergence of the Johannine Comma.  There may be other theological issues that could assist dating of the work.  For example, while the late 5th century work of Victor (discussed here) describes the procession of the Spirit as being from the Father, but makes no mention of the Son in this context, the author of the present work suggests that the Spirit, in addition to proceeding from the father, "et accipit de filio" (and receives from the Son).  

From my standpoint, this suggests the possibility of later doctrinal development, although it is hard to be sure.  Given that the manuscript itself is dated to the 8th century, that provides an outer bound on the date of composition. If we were to take a late 7th or even 8th century date as the date of composition, the reference to "heretics" could be a reference to the Unitarianism of the Muslims of those centuries. 

I sought in vain for any researcher on the historical development of the Filioque providing any other historical example of "receives from the Son" in any language.  If anyone knows, I would love to update this discussion with such a detail.

I certainly concur with Karl Künstle that this seems very unlikely to be the work of the same Isaac whose "Faith of Isaac the Jew" is known to us.  Given that the comma is the first text that the present author cites in this relatively short work, it is unlikely that the same author would not have mentioned the comma in his longer work.  So, it seems safe to say that the author is simply unknown, although he stands against both Unitarian and Arian views.

Ultimately, this text stands as another witnesses to a form of the Johannine Comma similar to that of Priscillian from the late 4th century, arguably the earliest discernable form of the interpolation.  

Priscillian of Avila and the Latin Insertion of the Three Heavenly Witnesses

Priscillian of Avila (AD 340-85) provides the earliest (undisputed) attestation to the Latin insertion into the text of 1 John, known as the Johannine Comma.  Priscillian's death in 385 was by way of capital punishment for allegedly practicing sorcery.  Priscillian is, therefore, sometimes viewed as being the first professing Christian put to death (through the use of the power of the state) by professing Christians on what appear to be religious grounds. 

Priscillian's works were long thought to be lost or existent only as fragments quoted by others, but in 1885, Georg Schepss (re-)discovered several tractates by him and/or a close follower.  These tractates are significant to our evaluation of the teachings of Priscillian and the Priscillianism that followed him, but also significant to the history of the textual transmission of the Latin insertion of the heavenly witnesses found in many later Latin manuscripts of 1 John.

Interestingly, the version of the Johannine Comma that Priscillian attributes to John is one in which the earthly witnesses are presented first and three are said to be one "in Christ Jesus."  In other (later-attested) versions of the Johannine Comma, the heavenly witnesses are presented first and "in Christ Jesus" is not present.  Additionally, the expression translated as "testify" is presented as "testimonium dicunt" (lit. declare testimony). Finally, there is an interesting difference as to what the earthly witnesses are in Priscillian.

Interesting for my friend Nick Sayers, Priscillian describes Christ as him "qui fuit, est et futurus est" (lit. which has been, is, and will be), which one would expect Nick to see as a reference (or possible reference) to KJV Revelation 16:5, although neither the CSEL nor Marco Conti make that connection.  

The controversy over Priscillianism came to the attention of Jerome. In his "Of Illustrious Men," Jerome's 121st entry (written around AD 393, less than a decade after Priscillian's death) reads:

Priscillianus, bishop of Abila, belonged to the party of Hydatius and Ithacius, and was put to death at Trèves by the tyrant Maximus. He published many short writings, some of which have reached us. He is still accused by some, of being tainted with Gnosticism, that is, with the heresy of Basilides or Mark, of whom Irenaeus writes, while his defenders maintain that he was not at all of this way of thinking.

However, Jerome's Letter 133, to Ctesiphon, approximately AD 415 (thirty years after Priscillian's death), states (section 3):

Then there is Priscillian in Spain whose infamy makes him as bad as Manichaeus, and whose disciples profess a high esteem for you. These are rash enough to claim for themselves the twofold credit of perfection and wisdom. Yet they shut themselves up alone with women and justify their sinful embraces by quoting the lines:

The almighty father takes the earth to wife;

Pouring upon her fertilizing rain,

That from her womb new harvest he may reap.

These heretics have affinities with Gnosticism which may be traced to the impious teaching of Basilides. It is from him that you derive the assertion that without knowledge of the law it is impossible to avoid sin. But why do I speak of Priscillian who has been condemned by the whole world and put to death by the secular sword? 

Similarly, in section 4: 

Leaving ancient history I will pass to times nearer to our own. Arius intent on leading the world astray began by misleading the Emperor's sister. The resources of Lucilla helped Donatus to defile with his polluting baptism many unhappy persons throughout Africa. In Spain the blind woman Agape led the blind man Elpidius into the ditch. He was followed by Priscillian, an enthusiastic votary of Zoroaster and a magian before he became a bishop. A woman named Galla seconded his efforts and left a wandering sister to perpetuate a second heresy of a kindred form. Now also the mystery of iniquity is working. 2 Thessalonians 2:7 Men and women in turn lay snares for each other till we cannot but recall the prophet's words: the partridge has cried aloud, she has gathered young which she has not brought forth, she gets riches and not by right; in the midst of her days she shall leave them, and at her end she shall be a fool.

Thus, we see that Jerome's information about Priscillian seems to have evolved and that his opinion did not improve over time.

Oxford University Press published a translation by Marco Conti of Priscillian's Tractate 1 (among other writings).  Lines 46-48 of the Tractate are relevant portion, found in the Latin original (taken from CSEL 18) at p. 34 and in the English translation at p. 35.  The Latin text is taken from a manuscript that the CSEL places in the 5th or 6th century.

Latin (ll. 28-48) (corresponding to the Latin at pp. 5-6 of CSEL 18, specifically p. 5, l. 6, to page 6, l. 9):

Quis enim est qui legens scribturas et unam fidem unum baptisma unum deum [Eph 4:5-6.] credens hereticorum dogmata stulta non darnnet, qui, dum uolunt humanis conparare diuina, diuidunt unitam in dei uirtute substantiam et magnitudinem Christi tripertito ecclesiae fonte uenerabilem Binionitarum scelere partiuntur, cum scribtum sit: ego sum deus et non est alius praeter me iustus [Is 45:21.] et saluator non es praeter me, [Hos 13:14.] et: ego primus et ego posthaec et praeter me non est deus, [Is 44:6.] quis sicut ego? [Is 44:7.] item alibi: ego sum et ante me non fuit alius, et post me non erit similis mihi; ego deus et non est praeter me qui saluos faciat, [Is 43:10-11.] et iterum Moyse dicente: dominus deus noster deus unus est,[Deut 6:4.] et Hieremias ait: hic est deus noster nec reputabitur alius absque eum qui inuenit omnem uiam sapientiae et dedit eam Jacob puero suo et Istrahel dilecto suo; posthaec in terris uisus est et cum hominibus conuersatus est.[Baruch 3:36-8.] Ipse est enim qui fuit, est et futurus est et uisus a saeculis uerbum caro factus inhabitauit in nobis [Jn 1:14.] et crucifixus deuicta morte uitae heres effectus est ac tertia die resurgens factus futuri forma spem nostrac resurrectionis ostendit et ascendens in caelos uenientibus ad se iter construit totus in patre et pater in ipso, [Cf. Jn 14:11.] ut manifestaretur quod scribtum est: gloria in exeelsis deo et pax hominibus in terra bonae uoluntatis;[Lk 2:14.] sicut Iohannes ait: tria sunt quae testimonium dicunt in terra: aqua, caro et sanguis et haec tria in unum sunt, et tria sunt quae testimonium dicunt in caelo: pater, uerbum et spiritus et haec tria unum sunt in Christo Jesu.[1 John 5:8,7.]

English:

For who is that who, reading the Scriptures and believing 'in one faith, one baptism, one God', [Eph 4:5-6.] does not condemn the foolish doctrines of the heretics who, while they want to put divine things in the same class with the human, divide the substance united in the power of God and break up the venerable greatness of Christ in the tripartite fountain of the church with the crime of the Binionites, because it was written: 'I am God and there is no other who is just but me', [Is 45:21.] and 'there is no saviour besides me',[Hos 13:14.] and 'I am the first and I am after this and besides me there is no god';[Is 44:6.] [and] 'who is like me?';[Is 44:7.] and likewise in another passage: 'I am and before me there shall be no similar to me; I am God and besides me there is nobody who may save';[Is 43:10-11.] and Moses says again: 'The Lord is our God, the only God,'[Deut 6:4.] and Jeremiah declares: 'This is our Lord and no other but him shall be considered, who found all the way of wisdom and gave it to Jacob his servant to Israel his beloved; after this he was seen on earth and lived with men'?[Baruch 3:36-8.] He is that who was, is, and shall be, and appeared as 'the Word' from eternity, 'was made flesh, dwelled in us and',[Jn 1:14.] after being crucified, since death had been conquered, was made heir of life; and by rising on the third day, as he was made the type of future, he showed the hope of our resurrection, and be ascending to the heavens he built the path for those who came to him, while he was 'all in the Father and the Father in him',[Cf. Jn 14:11.] so that what was written might be manifested: 'Glory to God in the highest and peace on earth to people of good will;'[Lk 2:14.] [and] as John says: 'There are three who testify on earth, the water, the flesh, and the blood, and these three are in one, and there are three who testify in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Spirit, and these three are one in Jesus Christ.'[1 John 5:8,7.] 

I have preserved (or at least attempted to accurately transcribe) Conti's English as it is found at p. 35 of the work.  I note that the inclusion of the quotation around the "and" for John 1:14 is probably an error in the English (as it does not align with the Latin).  

The quotation is of interest as it pertains the prologue of Ps-Jerome.  While it possible that a Priscillianist scribe added the comma reference to bolster Priscillian's tractate after Priscillian's death, the existence of a 5th or 6th century manuscript having such a text demonstrates, at least, that this was not a medieval insertion into Priscillian's work.  It is an interesting question for scholars of Priscillian to try to determine the extent to which Priscillian's followers may have interpolated his works after his passing. In the specific case of the tractates re-discovered by Schepss, it is believed that four of the eleven tractates were written by a close follower of Priscillian, rather than by Priscillian himself, even though the tractates are attributed to Priscillian. 

Assuming that the tractate is genuine (as is generally accepted) and that this portion is original to the tractate (which has not been, to my knowledge, disputed), this would provide a fourth-century date for the first clear emergence of a form of the Johannine Comma.

This emergent form is not, however, the same as the form of the Johannine Comma provided in Theodore Beza's 1598 edition (the most likely source for the KJV text of 1 John 5:7-8)(p. 506):

Beza's Latin based on Beza's Greek:

Nam tres sunt qui testificantur in caelo, Pater, Sermo, & Spiritus sanctus: et hi tres unum sunt. Et tres sunt qui testificantur in terra, Spiritus, et aqua, et sanguis: et hi tres unum sunt.

Latin Vulgate as reported by Beza:

Quoniam tres sent qui testimonium dant in caelo, Pater, Verbum, et Spiritus sanctus: et hi tres unum sunt. Et tres sunt qui testimonium dant in terra, Spiritus, aqua, et sanguis: et hi tres unum sunt.

Compare with Priscillian's Latin:

... tria sunt quae testimonium dicunt in terra: aqua, caro et sanguis et haec tria in unum sunt, et tria sunt quae testimonium dicunt in caelo: pater, uerbum et spiritus et haec tria unum sunt in Christo Jesu.

You can see that there is a slight difference between "delivery testimony" (Priscillian) "give testimony" (Beza's Vulgate) and "testify" (Beza's own).  There is also a different word choice by Beza of "Sermo" instead of "Verbum," the former connoting the spoken word.  The difference between "tres" and "tria" is the difference between masculine and neuter, but the meaning of each is "three".  Similarly, "hi" is masculine, whereas "haec" is neuter, but each mean "these". Likewise, "quae" is neuter and "qui" is masculine, but both mean "which". There is also the difference between "nam" (Beza) and "quoniam" (Vulgate), with the latter being more specifically "because," but the meaning being roughly the same.  As noted above, the three earthly witnesses are first for Priscillian, but second for Beza and his Vulgate.  Also, Priscillian's version includes "in Christ Jesus," which Beza and his Vulgate omit. Moreover, Priscillian's version has "Spiritus" but lacks "sanctus."  Finally, the order of the three earthly witnesses is different and "caro" (flesh) is found rather than "spiritus" (spirit).

Assuming for the sake of argument that Jerome was familiar with Priscillian's Tractate I in the form we know it, such familiarity would make it possible for Jerome to have opined on the difference in translation between that set forth by Priscillian and the more common Old Latin translation that did not mention the three heavenly witnesses.  On the hypothesis that Jerome saw the tractate and the spurious addition to John's epistle, this would explain his mention of "unfaithful" translators adding to the words that were written.  On the other hand, I see no evidence that Jerome knew of our interacted with this treatise anywhere (and I do not believe the Ps-Jerome prologue to be Jerome's).  

Interestingly, though, Basilides (mentioned by Jerome) is believed to have produced a lengthy commentary on the Gospel of John, all of which is now lost.  If - as Jerome avers - Priscillian was influenced by Basilides, then it is possible that Priscillian's attribution to John is dependent on his reception of Basilides work.  If that were the case, that would push the Johannine Comma back to the second century (Basilides was apparently active from AD 117-161).  However, we are now firmly in the realm of speculation. 

The work of Priscillian, who lived in what is now Spain, also has potential interest as it relates to the presumably later citation found in Victor of Vita's work (discussed here).  Although there is variation in the text of Victor's work among the extant manuscripts thereof, the reconstructed text is this:

(p. 60)

tres sunt qui testimonium perhibent in caelo, pater, uerbum et spiritus sanctus, et hi tres unum sunt.

You will notice that the relation to the earthly witnesses is not able to be determined from this quotation.  One assumes that "in Christ Jesus" is not present in the text from which Victor's work quotes.  Like Beza's Vulgate text, masculine pronouns and masculine "three" are used, and the spirit is called "holy," but "testimonium perhibent" (lit. present testimony) is used.  According to the critical notes for Victor's work, at least one copies uses "dant" like Beza's Vulgate, and at least one omits "sanctus" like Priscillian's.  Moreover, seemingly the consensus of three manuscripts is "et filius" (and the son) rather than uerbum (word).  

Suffice to say that it does not seem that the text in Victor is precisely the text in Priscillian, whether or not the reconstruction has been done correctly.  Note as well the difficulty in drawing firm conclusions about the exact wording of the text from the manuscripts of Victor's writings, and consider how this is heightened in the case of Priscillian, for whom we are apparently reliant on a single manuscript.

Victor of Vita - a Fifth Century Witness to the Emergence of Johannine Comma?

Borrowing from Brownlee, Mike Ferrando has argued that "460 Bishops" gave witness to the Johannine Comma as being a part of Scripture. (The Comma Calmly Considered)  Mike specifically stated: "In the same way that the 500 witnessed Christ’s resurrection, so here too the 460 give witness to these verses as part of Scripture." (p. 3)  Let's evaluate this claim.

First, we must track down the source of Mike's "460" number.  The primary/ultimate source for Mike's claims is a work by Victor of Vita.  In 1992, as volume 10 of the Translated Texts for Historians series, Liverpool University Press published John Moorhead's translation of History of the Vandal Persecution by Victor of Vita.  The copy I'm working from for this article appears to be a "print on demand" printing by Lightning Source LLC, but I'm optimistic that the pagination is consistent with the original 1992 printing. 

According to Moorhead's introduction, Victor's book was nearly all written in 484, about the time period from 429 to 484 (p. x), with the starting point of that range corresponding to the entrance of the Vandals into north Africa (429) after passing through what is today Spain preceding decades (p. ix).  Victor's focus is on the persecution of the Christians who referred to themselves as "Catholics" by folks who referred to them as "homousians" and were referred to as "Arians" by Victor.  My point in this article is not to get into the interesting distinctions amongst Arianism, Semi-Arianism, and the like, nor to get into the distinction between "Catholic" in the 5th century African sense and "Catholic" in today's contemporary parlance. An attempt to "impose Arianism on Catholics" (p. xii) appears to have provided the impetus for the writing of this work in 484. Before leaving the question of labels, it is interesting to note that those who Victor called Arians took offense at Victor's side referring to themselves as "Catholics" (Book 3, section 1, p. 64).

Returning to Mike's claim about "460," it seems that Mike gets this from Brownlee (a 19th century author), who states: "At the time fixed by the royal edict, there appeared, says Gibbon in his Roman History, four hundred and sixty bishops from the orthodox African churches." (p.546)  Gibbon's "History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire," pp. 550-1 states: "At the command of Hunneric, four hundred and sixty-six orthodox bishops assembled at Carthage...."  Gibbon himself is reliant on Dom Ruinart's 1694 edition of Victor's work as the source for his information.  

How does Gibbon arrive at the number of bishops? Gibbon explains it this way (p. 551):

• 1 Martyr
• 1 Confessor
• 28 Fled
• 88 Conformed
• 46 Sent to Corsica
• 302 Banished to various parts of Africa

That sums to 466.  Moreover, this does not come from Victor's work itself, but rather from another document (see p. 123 of Ruinart's work)

(Ruinart, p. 140)

How reliable this further document is, I do not venture a guess. But let us set aside the 466 vs. 460 discrepancy for the moment.

Mike uses the heading: "Confession of the 460 Bishops Read Aloud" (p. 6).  What is the work being discussed, and whose work is it?  As mentioned earlier, Victor of Vita presents his account as being a history.  He says that "The Book of the Catholic Faith" (section 56-101 of Book 2 of his work, pp. 44-63) was presented in lieu of debate, after their opponent, Cyrila claimed to be unable to speak Latin (Book 2, section 55, p. 44).  This was after the Catholic side had designated ten men to speak on their behalf, so that the other side could not claim that Catholic side had won through sheer numbers (Book 2, section 53, p. 43).  At the conclusion of the book, however, Victor (or perhaps the authors of the book) wrote: "This is the end of the book sent on 20 April by Januarius of Zattara (Kef Benzioune) and Villaticus of Casae Medianae, bishops of Numidia, and Boniface of Foratiana and Boniface of Gratiana, Bishops of Byzacena."  (Book 2, Section 101, p. 63)  So, based on the actual primary source, this is the work of four men as reported by a fifth, namely Victor of Vita himself.  

The confession of the Catholics was Trinitarianism.  The book amounts to arguments from Scripture in favor of that confession.  Whether anyone from the Catholic side carefully reviewed the work of the four bishops before they delivered it, who can say! Victor does not tell us.  All that Victor says is that upon the refusal of the other side to debate: "our people had foreseen this and written a short work concerning the faith, composed quite fittingly and with the necessary detail. They said: 'If you wish to know our faith, this is the truth we hold'." (Book 2, Section 55, p. 44)  Moreover, Victor reports that "our little book had been presented to them and read out" (Book 3, Section 1, p. 64), which suggests some kind of public reading of the book, though without much clarity as to how far they read, since the objections began with the title.

So, it is a stretch to ascribe this whole work to the entire multitude, even if we accept the 466 number of Ruinart or the oddly rounded-down 460 of Gibbon.  Rather, if we accept Victor's account and the present form of the work, it was the work of four men, two from the area near modern day Bouchegouf, Algeria, and the other two from the area near modern day Sousse, Tunisia, two cities that are about 500 km apart, along the southern coast of the Mediterranean Sea, south of Sardinia.

Mike's reason for pulling out the rhetorical stops to make it sound as though hundreds of bishops were focused on the text of 1 John 5:7-8 is known only to Mike.  Mike's rhetorical flourish is, however, a sword with two edges: the same confession he's citing for this reading presents John 8:25 as "I who speak to am the beginning" (which Mike rejects; Book II, section 77, p. 54) and cites Sirach 24:5, which should not be cited authoritatively (Book II, section 78, p. 54), as well as Daniel 13:42, which is a spurious addition to the book of Daniel (Book II, section 84, p. 57).  The confession also cites Wisdom 1:7 as though it were the work of Solomon (Book II, section 88, p. 58).  Surely Mike does not accept "Glorify God and carry him about in your body" as being the correct reading of 1 Corinthians 6:20, though this confession quotes it thus (Book II, section 89, p. 59).  Likewise, one hopes Mike rejects: "Adore his footstool" as the reading of Psalm 98:5.  In short, once Mike weights this little book with the authority to decide textual critical matters, it will immediately stab him in the foot with several obvious blunders. 

There remains a question about the date of composition of Victor's work that reports the little book.  Although "virtually all" (p. x) of Victor's book may have been written in 484, Victor's book itself seems to suggest that it was composed in the 60th year of the Vandal invasion (i.e., 489), although Moorhead questions whether anything more than light editing was done later than 484 (pp. xvi-xvii).    There were (at the time of Moorhead's writing) two critical editions of this work (MGH AA 3 and CSEL 7)(p. xix), both prepared in the late 1800s (1879 and 1881, respectively, as mentioned on p. 95).  Moorhead said he tried to follow a "sense for sense" rather than "word for word" translation methodology (p. xx).

In an interesting (for the purposes of this particular article) footnote, Moorhead observes (p. xx, fn. 28): "It must be said that some of the variants which occur in the Book of the catholic faith constitute amendments in a Trinitarian direction."  If this is the case, one wonders whether the amendments may have included amendments to the little book as well.

At Book 2, Section 55, Victor introduces the context of the Book of the Catholic Faith, namely that after Cyrila refuses to debate the catholic bishops on the grounds that he (Cyrila) does not speak Latin.  Cyrila is described by the king's notary as "the patriarch Cyrila," which the Catholics do not accept as having legitimacy (Book 2, Section 54). The Book then spans Book 2, Section 56 to Section 101 (the end of Book 2).

Section 82 of Book 2, in the form translated by Moorhead, includes the following:

And so that we may teach the Holy Spirit to be of one divinity with the Father and the Son still more clearly than light, here is proof from the testimony of John the evangelist. For he says: 'There are three who bear witness heaven, the Father, the Word and the Holy Spirit, and these three are one.'[fn47: The famous Johannine comma, occurring in the text of I Joh at 5:8, but certainly not a part of the original text. The circumstances of its addition remain obscure.] Surely he does not say 'three separated by a difference of quality' or 'divided by grades which differentiate, so that there is a great distance between them?' No, he says that the 'three are one.'

I've included Moorhead's footnote in the block quotation.  Apart from that comment, Moorhead offers no note about the this passage.  However, it ought to be observed that this passage presents itself as an abrupt intrusion upon the text, interrupting the flow of what comes before and after.  Without the passage, the beginning of Section 82 and the beginning of Section 83 read as follows:

And so, no occasion for uncertainty is left. It is clear that the Holy Spirit is also God and the author of his own will, he who is most clearly to be at work in all things and to bestow the gifts of the divine dispensation according to the judgment of his own will, because where it is proclaimed that he distributes graces where he wills, servile condition cannot exist, for servitude is to be understood in what is created, but power and freedom in the Trinity. But so that the single divinity which the Holy Spirit has with the Father and the Son might be demonstrated still more in the creation of all things, you have in the book of Job the Holy Spirit as creator: 'It is the divine Spirit who made me, and the Spirit of the almighty who teaches me.' (cf. Job 33:4) And David says: 'Send forth your Spirit and they will be created, and you shall renew the face of the earth.' (Ps 103:30) If creation and renewal will take place through the Spirit, without doubt the beginning of creation as well was not carried out without the Spirit.

This text flows together.  However, inserting the first block quotation between two verses talking about creation makes little sense.  The selection of this insertion point is, of course, not completely arbitrary.  The text has been inserted after the word "Trinity" in a section that includes arguments for the equal divinity of the Holy Spirit.  

There are similarities and differences between the inserted material and the remainder of the book.  For example, at section 60, the book addresses John 10:30, "I and the Father are one," and there anticipates the response that this is only describing a unity of will.  Likewise, when the book addresses John 5:18, the book anticipates the objection that this is the Jews opinion.  There does not, however, seem to be any anticipated objection to the Johannine Comma.  The author does use a "he did not say" formula to argue for his preferred meaning, but here the author does not anticipate the most obvious objection that they are one in testimony.  

As with many textual critical questions, it may be difficult to prove a claim of later revision without some manuscript support.  The MGH critical edition relied on two ninth century manuscripts, two tenth century manuscripts, and one manuscript from each of the eleventh and twelfth centuries:

(p. X)

(p. V)

The MGH critical edition does retain the entire insertion in the main text, but at the Johannine Comma offers the following note (the Latin is the note, the English is a rough translation):

Haec verba, quae in nonnullis SS. Bibliorum codicibus translatorum infidelitate excidisse conqueritur S. Hieronymus, vel quivis alius auctor, qui sub huius s. doctoris nomine Prologum edidit in epistolas Canonicas, religiosius in codicibus Africanis conservata fuisse patet, ubi Patres Africani in unum congregati pro emittenda fidei professione ea adhibuerunt' 

(p. 34)

These words, which in some codices of the Holy Bibles, through the unfaithfulness of translators, Jerome complains to have fallen out, or any other author who published under the name of this holy doctor the Prologue into the Canonical epistles, it is evident to have been more religiously preserved in the African codices, where the African Fathers, gathered into one for the issuing forth of a profession of faith, employed them.

My assumption, based on the notes, is that none of the six manuscripts consulted was missing this passage.  The CSEL edition, however, seems to have consulted a greater number of manuscripts, and even to have attempted to map their relation to one another, though still, unfortunately, there is nothing earlier than the 9th century.

(p. XV)

(p. VI)

When it comes to the critical reconstruction, CSEL likewise, maintains the passage in the main text:

(p. 60)

Once again, my assumption (and I have made no attempt to check the manuscripts to verify this) is that none of the extant manuscripts of Victor's work omit the passage in question.

Ruinart's main text, followed by his endnotes:

(p. 54)

(p. 178)

(p. 179)

As the bulk of Ruinart's note is already transcribed and translated above, I won't repeat the process here.

Suffice to say that, for the moment, it does not seem that any scholar of Victor of Vita has investigated the question of whether Victor himself or a copyist prior to the 9th century has inserted the passage "three are one" into the argument, as opposed to being the original work of the four men (not four hundred) who are credited with writing the little book.

On the other hand, it is not incredible that someone may have edited Victor's work.  Moorhead places the final section of the work in brackets (Book 3, Section 71, p. 93) and says that it is "almost certainly a later addition to the text" (p. xvi.).

Is Victor's report credible?  Moorhead sometimes questions the accuracy of Victor's reports.  For example, Victor blames the Vandals for destroying the temple of Caelestis, but Moorhead cites Quodvultdeus to demonstrate that it was Catholics who destroyed that temple before the Vandals arrived (Book 1, Section 8, p. 5, fn. 8).  

Moorhead notes: "Augustine died on 28 August 430, during the Vandal siege of Hippo (Brown 1967: 432), although there is no need to connect his passing with the Vandals." (p. 7, fn. 12)  Victor describes the situation this way: "At this time the city of Hippo Regius (Annaba), which the blessed Augustine, worthy of all praise, governed as its pontiff, was besieged." (Book 1, Section 10, p. 6)  

In another case, Moorhead does not question the accuracy of Victor's report, but the report at Book 1, Section 34, involves involves a claim that: "As their flesh was torn in pieces the blood poured out and their inner parts were exposed to view, but on each occasion, as Christ healed them, they were restored unharmed on the next day" and again after a notable Christian virgin named Maxima was tortured: "as everyone looked on, the putrefaction caused by the enormous pieces of wood vanished."  Victor does not claim to have witnessed this for himself, but recorded it on the basis of someone's claim: "the man responsible for her custody testified to me on oath that this is what happened." (Book 1, Section 34, p. 16)  This account of supposed miracles is not unique: 

• 1:38 a blind woman receives sight; 
• 1:43 Armogas breaks strings used torture him like "threads of spiders' webs" and manages to sleep comfortably while being dangled by one leg; 
• 1:45-46 Armogas tells Felix to bury him under a certain carob tree rather than in a basilica, and when they dig under the tree they find a regal marble sarcophagus prepared;
• 2:11 a withered hand is "restored, in good condition;"
• 2:18 someone saw a vision that the church of Faustus would never be lose its glory, never to be restored;
• 2:19 someone saw a vision of a threshing by a whirlwind, followed by a grain inspection that reduced an "enormous" to a "tiny pile;" 
• 2:20 someone saw a vision of some kind of fiery stones falling from the sky;
• 2:21 "the venerable bishop Paul" saw a vision of a savage donkey kicking over a tree big enough to "cover almost all Africa with its shade"
• 2:22 "The honorable bishop Quintianus" saw a vast flock of sheep killed and boiled in a pair of pots
• 2.37 Christian exiles survive attacks of poison-breathing scorpions whose attacks were otherwise infallibly lethal;
• 2:47-51 A blind man receives a vision telling him to go to Eugenius and to be blessed when the baptismal pool is blessed, to receive his sight, and his sight is restored after the sign of the cross is imposed on his eyes after blessing the baptismal pool; and 
• 3:31 Multiple people have their tongues cut off but "thanks to the operation of the Holy Spirit they spoke, and continue to speak, just as they had spoken before".

While this says something about the general willingness to accept claims of the miraculous on Victor's part, and a seeming willingness to propagate such claims by recording them in writing, it's hard to see what bearing it has on his precision in reporting the contents of the little book.

Other topics of interest from the work:

Self-government of churches is an interesting detail that emerges in Book 2.  Book 2, Section 2, has Victor reporting: At the request of the emperor Zeno and Placidia, the widow of Olybrius, [Huniric] gave the church of Carthage freedom to ordain for itself whomever it wished as bishop. At that time the church had been deprived of such an ornament for 24 years." (pp. 24-5) A few sections later, Victor reports: "The catholic multitude rejoiced that they had been given the right to ordain a bishop again while the barbarians held power." (Book 2, Section 6, p. 26)

Additionally, the issue of the procession of the Spirit comes up in the very first section of the little book (Book 2, section 56, p. 45). The Spirit is said to proceed from the Father (without mentioning the idea of the Spirit proceeding from the Son).  

Likewise, at Book 3, Section 47, Victor identifies the demand for papers showing Arian baptism with the mark of the beast mentioned at Revelation 13:16. (p. 83)

There is some kind of invocation of dead faithful at book 3, section 69, (p. 92) though whether it should be understood literally or rhetorically is hard to tell from the context.

Other things are noticeable in their absence.  The little book focuses on claims from sacred writings, rather than conciliar authority (much less the authority of a Roman bishop).  Likewise, Mary does not play any prominent role in Victor's book generally, nor in the little book.  There is mention of various treasures of churches, but none of them appear to be statues or icons.

Responses to Mike Ferrando's Debate Usage of Victor's Work

During a debate with James Snapp, Mike provided a 25 minute speech on the quotation and use of 1 John 5:7-8, as reported by Victor. I would like to offer a few corrections and/or clarifications to Mike's claims:

1) Is this a 4th century witness to the Johannine Comma?

No.  This is a late 5th century (at the earliest) witness to the comma.  If we accept the present form of the work and all of the statements in the work, then this is a usage from AD 484.  If we suspect that Victor (or subsequent generations) may have enhanced the "Book of the Catholic Faith" by adding more arguments, then the usage would be by Victor potentially in AD 489, or possibly by one of the subsequent editors of Victor's work up to the 9th century.   

2) According to Victor, who used in the Johannine Comma in 484?

Victor's book, in its current critical edition, contains a little book, "The Book of the Catholic Faith," which Victor says was authored by four North African bishops: Januarius of Zattara, Villaticus of Casae Medianae, Boniface of Foratiana, and Boniface of Gratiana.  

3) Was the Synod of Carthage of 484 a Church Council?

The Arian king called the assembly, requiring all the Homousian bishops in his empire to attend.  There were also Arian bishops in attendance, but there does not seem to have been any debate or the like, that would allow this to be considered a meaningful church council.

4) Did the Homousian Bishops All Get Together to Write the "Book of the Catholic Faith"?

According to Victor, four North African bishops: Januarius of Zattara, Villaticus of Casae Medianae, Boniface of Foratiana, and Boniface of Gratiana composed the work in anticipation of the Arian side refusing to debate.

5) Was this "Book of the Catholic Faith" read out loud?

At least the title seems to have been read out loud.  It's unclear how much of the rest was read aloud.

6) Did all the Homousian Bishops agree to the "Book of the Catholic Faith"?

There is no record of this.  

7) Did miracles occur at Carthage in 484?

Victor claims that a miracle occurred with respect to people who had their tongues removed and subsequently were forced to leave Carthage, and who eventually came to Constantinople.

8) Did the Homousian bishops know Greek?

Maybe some did.  Fulgentius of Ruspe was there and he knew Greek. Knowledge of Greek, however, is essentially irrelevant to an analysis of Victor's work, which was in Latin, and to the analysis of the little book, which was also in Latin.

9) Did the "Book of the Catholic Faith" present the Johannine Comma as part of John's letter?

No.  The Book of the Catholic Faith merely ascribes this to John the Evangelist.  

10) Were "most of" the Homousian Bishops from North Africa?

All of the Homousian bishops that were at the Synod of Carthage of 484 were North African, as the Arian king did not have control of Greece etc.

11) Was there a risk of the Arians saying that the verse was added?

Considering that the objection to debate was that the Arian in charge of the debate didn't speak Latin, and considering that the book was offered in Latin, it doesn't seem like a very big risk.  The biggest risk was that if you affirmed Trinitarianism, you were likely to be persecuted.  They were affirming Trinitarianism.  So, they were likely to be persecuted.