Showing posts with label Jerome. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Jerome. Show all posts

Tuesday, June 09, 2026

Priscillian of Avila and the Latin Insertion of the Three Heavenly Witnesses

Priscillian of Avila (AD 340-85) provides the earliest (undisputed) attestation to the Latin insertion into the text of 1 John, known as the Johannine Comma.  Priscillian's death in 385 was by way of capital punishment for allegedly practicing sorcery.  Priscillian is, therefore, sometimes viewed as being the first professing Christian put to death (through the use of the power of the state) by professing Christians on what appear to be religious grounds. 

Priscillian's works were long thought to be lost or existent only as fragments quoted by others, but in 1885, Georg Schepss (re-)discovered several tractates by him and/or a close follower.  These tractates are significant to our evaluation of the teachings of Priscillian and the Priscillianism that followed him, but also significant to the history of the textual transmission of the Latin insertion of the heavenly witnesses found in many later Latin manuscripts of 1 John.

Interestingly, the version of the Johannine Comma that Priscillian attributes to John is one in which the earthly witnesses are presented first and three are said to be one "in Christ Jesus."  In other (later-attested) versions of the Johannine Comma, the heavenly witnesses are presented first and "in Christ Jesus" is not present.  Additionally, the expression translated as "testify" is presented as "testimonium dicunt" (lit. declare testimony). Finally, there is an interesting difference as to what the earthly witnesses are in Priscillian.

Interesting for my friend Nick Sayers, Priscillian describes Christ as him "qui fuit, est et futurus est" (lit. which has been, is, and will be), which one would expect Nick to see as a reference (or possible reference) to KJV Revelation 16:5, although neither the CSEL nor Marco Conti make that connection.  

The controversy over Priscillianism came to the attention of Jerome. In his "Of Illustrious Men," Jerome's 121st entry (written around AD 393, less than a decade after Priscillian's death) reads:

Priscillianus, bishop of Abila, belonged to the party of Hydatius and Ithacius, and was put to death at Trèves by the tyrant Maximus. He published many short writings, some of which have reached us. He is still accused by some, of being tainted with Gnosticism, that is, with the heresy of Basilides or Mark, of whom Irenaeus writes, while his defenders maintain that he was not at all of this way of thinking.

However, Jerome's Letter 133, to Ctesiphon, approximately AD 415 (thirty years after Priscillian's death), states (section 3):

Then there is Priscillian in Spain whose infamy makes him as bad as Manichaeus, and whose disciples profess a high esteem for you. These are rash enough to claim for themselves the twofold credit of perfection and wisdom. Yet they shut themselves up alone with women and justify their sinful embraces by quoting the lines:

The almighty father takes the earth to wife;

Pouring upon her fertilizing rain,

That from her womb new harvest he may reap.

These heretics have affinities with Gnosticism which may be traced to the impious teaching of Basilides. It is from him that you derive the assertion that without knowledge of the law it is impossible to avoid sin. But why do I speak of Priscillian who has been condemned by the whole world and put to death by the secular sword? 

Similarly, in section 4: 

Leaving ancient history I will pass to times nearer to our own. Arius intent on leading the world astray began by misleading the Emperor's sister. The resources of Lucilla helped Donatus to defile with his polluting baptism many unhappy persons throughout Africa. In Spain the blind woman Agape led the blind man Elpidius into the ditch. He was followed by Priscillian, an enthusiastic votary of Zoroaster and a magian before he became a bishop. A woman named Galla seconded his efforts and left a wandering sister to perpetuate a second heresy of a kindred form. Now also the mystery of iniquity is working. 2 Thessalonians 2:7 Men and women in turn lay snares for each other till we cannot but recall the prophet's words: the partridge has cried aloud, she has gathered young which she has not brought forth, she gets riches and not by right; in the midst of her days she shall leave them, and at her end she shall be a fool.

Thus, we see that Jerome's information about Priscillian seems to have evolved and that his opinion did not improve over time.

Oxford University Press published a translation by Marco Conti of Priscillian's Tractate 1 (among other writings).  Lines 46-48 of the Tractate are relevant portion, found in the Latin original (taken from CSEL 18) at p. 34 and in the English translation at p. 35.  The Latin text is taken from a manuscript that the CSEL places in the 5th or 6th century.

Latin (ll. 28-48) (corresponding to the Latin at pp. 5-6 of CSEL 18, specifically p. 5, l. 6, to page 6, l. 9):

Quis enim est qui legens scribturas et unam fidem unum baptisma unum deum [Eph 4:5-6.] credens hereticorum dogmata stulta non darnnet, qui, dum uolunt humanis conparare diuina, diuidunt unitam in dei uirtute substantiam et magnitudinem Christi tripertito ecclesiae fonte uenerabilem Binionitarum scelere partiuntur, cum scribtum sit: ego sum deus et non est alius praeter me iustus [Is 45:21.] et saluator non es praeter me, [Hos 13:14.] et: ego primus et ego posthaec et praeter me non est deus, [Is 44:6.] quis sicut ego? [Is 44:7.] item alibi: ego sum et ante me non fuit alius, et post me non erit similis mihi; ego deus et non est praeter me qui saluos faciat, [Is 43:10-11.] et iterum Moyse dicente: dominus deus noster deus unus est,[Deut 6:4.] et Hieremias ait: hic est deus noster nec reputabitur alius absque eum qui inuenit omnem uiam sapientiae et dedit eam Jacob puero suo et Istrahel dilecto suo; posthaec in terris uisus est et cum hominibus conuersatus est.[Baruch 3:36-8.] Ipse est enim qui fuit, est et futurus est et uisus a saeculis uerbum caro factus inhabitauit in nobis [Jn 1:14.] et crucifixus deuicta morte uitae heres effectus est ac tertia die resurgens factus futuri forma spem nostrac resurrectionis ostendit et ascendens in caelos uenientibus ad se iter construit totus in patre et pater in ipso, [Cf. Jn 14:11.] ut manifestaretur quod scribtum est: gloria in exeelsis deo et pax hominibus in terra bonae uoluntatis;[Lk 2:14.] sicut Iohannes ait: tria sunt quae testimonium dicunt in terra: aqua, caro et sanguis et haec tria in unum sunt, et tria sunt quae testimonium dicunt in caelo: pater, uerbum et spiritus et haec tria unum sunt in Christo Jesu.[1 John 5:8,7.]

English:

For who is that who, reading the Scriptures and believing 'in one faith, one baptism, one God', [Eph 4:5-6.] does not condemn the foolish doctrines of the heretics who, while they want to put divine things in the same class with the human, divide the substance united in the power of God and break up the venerable greatness of Christ in the tripartite fountain of the church with the crime of the Binionites, because it was written: 'I am God and there is no other who is just but me', [Is 45:21.] and 'there is no saviour besides me',[Hos 13:14.] and 'I am the first and I am after this and besides me there is no god';[Is 44:6.] [and] 'who is like me?';[Is 44:7.] and likewise in another passage: 'I am and before me there shall be no similar to me; I am God and besides me there is nobody who may save';[Is 43:10-11.] and Moses says again: 'The Lord is our God, the only God,'[Deut 6:4.] and Jeremiah declares: 'This is our Lord and no other but him shall be considered, who found all the way of wisdom and gave it to Jacob his servant to Israel his beloved; after this he was seen on earth and lived with men'?[Baruch 3:36-8.] He is that who was, is, and shall be, and appeared as 'the Word' from eternity, 'was made flesh, dwelled in us and',[Jn 1:14.] after being crucified, since death had been conquered, was made heir of life; and by rising on the third day, as he was made the type of future, he showed the hope of our resurrection, and be ascending to the heavens he built the path for those who came to him, while he was 'all in the Father and the Father in him',[Cf. Jn 14:11.] so that what was written might be manifested: 'Glory to God in the highest and peace on earth to people of good will;'[Lk 2:14.] [and] as John says: 'There are three who testify on earth, the water, the flesh, and the blood, and these three are in one, and there are three who testify in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Spirit, and these three are one in Jesus Christ.'[1 John 5:8,7.] 

I have preserved (or at least attempted to accurately transcribe) Conti's English as it is found at p. 35 of the work.  I note that the inclusion of the quotation around the "and" for John 1:14 is probably an error in the English (as it does not align with the Latin).  

The quotation is of interest as it pertains the prologue of Ps-Jerome.  While it possible that a Priscillianist scribe added the comma reference to bolster Priscillian's tractate after Priscillian's death, the existence of a 5th or 6th century manuscript having such a text demonstrates, at least, that this was not a medieval insertion into Priscillian's work.  It is an interesting question for scholars of Priscillian to try to determine the extent to which Priscillian's followers may have interpolated his works after his passing. In the specific case of the tractates re-discovered by Schepss, it is believed that four of the eleven tractates were written by a close follower of Priscillian, rather than by Priscillian himself, even though the tractates are attributed to Priscillian. 

Assuming that the tractate is genuine (as is generally accepted) and that this portion is original to the tractate (which has not been, to my knowledge, disputed), this would provide a fourth-century date for the first clear emergence of a form of the Johannine Comma.

This emergent form is not, however, the same as the form of the Johannine Comma provided in Theodore Beza's 1598 edition (the most likely source for the KJV text of 1 John 5:7-8)(p. 506):

Beza's Latin based on Beza's Greek:

Nam tres sunt qui testificantur in caelo, Pater, Sermo, & Spiritus sanctus: et hi tres unum sunt. Et tres sunt qui testificantur in terra, Spiritus, et aqua, et sanguis: et hi tres unum sunt.

Latin Vulgate as reported by Beza:

Quoniam tres sunt qui testimonium dant in caelo, Pater, Verbum, et Spiritus sanctus: et hi tres unum sunt. Et tres sunt qui testimonium dant in terra, Spiritus, aqua, et sanguis: et hi tres unum sunt.

Compare with Priscillian's Latin:

... tria sunt quae testimonium dicunt in terra: aqua, caro et sanguis et haec tria in unum sunt, et tria sunt quae testimonium dicunt in caelo: pater, uerbum et spiritus et haec tria unum sunt in Christo Jesu.

You can see that there is a slight difference between "delivery testimony" (Priscillian) "give testimony" (Beza's Vulgate) and "testify" (Beza's own).  There is also a different word choice by Beza of "Sermo" instead of "Verbum," the former connoting the spoken word.  The difference between "tres" and "tria" is the difference between masculine and neuter, but the meaning of each is "three".  Similarly, "hi" is masculine, whereas "haec" is neuter, but each mean "these". Likewise, "quae" is neuter and "qui" is masculine, but both mean "which". There is also the difference between "nam" (Beza) and "quoniam" (Vulgate), with the latter being more specifically "because," but the meaning being roughly the same. Priscillian's also includes the "in" from the Greek regarding the three earthly witnesses, whereas the others do not. As noted above, the three earthly witnesses are first for Priscillian, but second for Beza and his Vulgate.  Also, Priscillian's version includes "in Christ Jesus," which Beza and his Vulgate omit. Moreover, Priscillian's version has "Spiritus" but lacks "sanctus."  Finally, the order of the three earthly witnesses is different and "caro" (flesh) is found rather than "spiritus" (spirit).

Assuming for the sake of argument that Jerome was familiar with Priscillian's Tractate I in the form we know it, such familiarity would make it possible for Jerome to have opined on the difference in translation between that set forth by Priscillian and the more common Old Latin translation that did not mention the three heavenly witnesses.  On the hypothesis that Jerome saw the tractate and the spurious addition to John's epistle, this would explain his mention of "unfaithful" translators adding to the words that were written.  On the other hand, I see no evidence that Jerome knew of our interacted with this treatise anywhere (and I do not believe the Ps-Jerome prologue to be Jerome's).  

Interestingly, though, Basilides (mentioned by Jerome) is believed to have produced a lengthy commentary on the Gospel of John, all of which is now lost.  If - as Jerome avers - Priscillian was influenced by Basilides, then it is possible that Priscillian's attribution to John is dependent on his reception of Basilides work.  If that were the case, that would push the Johannine Comma back to the second century (Basilides was apparently active from AD 117-161).  However, we are now firmly in the realm of speculation. 

The work of Priscillian, who lived in what is now Spain, also has potential interest as it relates to the presumably later citation found in Victor of Vita's work (discussed here).  Although there is variation in the text of Victor's work among the extant manuscripts thereof, the reconstructed text is this:

tres sunt qui testimonium perhibent in caelo, pater, uerbum et spiritus sanctus, et hi tres unum sunt.

You will notice that the relation to the earthly witnesses is not able to be determined from this quotation.  One assumes that "in Christ Jesus" is not present in the text from which Victor's work quotes.  Like Beza's Vulgate text, masculine pronouns and masculine "three" are used, and the spirit is called "holy," but "testimonium perhibent" (lit. present testimony) is used.  According to the critical notes for Victor's work, at least one copies uses "dant" like Beza's Vulgate, and at least one omits "sanctus" like Priscillian's.  Moreover, seemingly the consensus of three manuscripts is "et filius" (and the son) rather than uerbum (word).  

Suffice to say that it does not seem that the text in Victor is precisely the text in Priscillian, whether or not the reconstruction has been done correctly.  Note as well the difficulty in drawing firm conclusions about the exact wording of the text from the manuscripts of Victor's writings, and consider how this is heightened in the case of Priscillian, for whom we are apparently reliant on a single manuscript.

Wednesday, August 27, 2025

Pseudo-Jerome Prologue to the Catholic Epistles

Did Jerome comment on the absence of the Johannine Comma in a prologue to the Catholic Epistles?  The short answer is no.  There is a prologue to the Catholic epistles in many Latin Vulgate copies.  This prologue is sometimes ascribed to Jerome (although, interestingly, it seems it is not explicitly so ascribed in the oldest copies).  Currently, no list of the authentic works of Jerome (by any reputable scholar of Jerome) includes the material provided as a prologue to the Catholic Epistles (see this list, for example).  This prologue can, however, be found in Migne, beginning at PL 29:863C.  Migne provides the following (translation is my own, and not particularly good - Migne's original Latin can be found at this link):

That this prologue is not Jerome’s but of a man both of a much later age and almost of the lowest bench [trans. note: "bench" as an idiom for "authority"], more recent critics, and even Martianæus himself, prove with such certain arguments, that, if we should wish to show this very thing, we might seem to be doing what has already been done. For indeed the whole context of the speech cries out, badly patched together here and there from scraps of Jerome, the style itself unpolished where the Author adds certain things of his own, the sentences loose and smelling of later ages—such as is that first one concerning the order of the Epistles among the Greeks, who think soundly in all respects and follow the right faith; also new words, as when he says that these Epistles—which Jerome at once called “catholic”—are to be named “canonical”; and other things of that kind which it is long to pursue, and which you have at the end of the book refuted by the Benedictine Editor, but also long ago by Richard Simon in Critical History of the New Testament vol. I, ch. 18, and in the Itinerary of Fr. Martène, part II, p. 79 [trans. note: possibly this refers to Edmond Martène, "Voyage litteraire de deux religieux benedictins ...".

Therefore there will be someone to whom it would perhaps more have pleased to have rejected it entirely from here and consigned this writing among the spurious. But since both the manuscripts generally have it—among which also are ours, soon to be commended—and almost all the older editions of the Bible, such as the Nuremberg of the year 1475, the Venetian of the year 1498, the Basel of the year 1506, the Parisian of the year 1563, the two Lyons editions of the years 1520 and 1589, the Antwerp of 1617, etc.—it seemed better, with the Reader forewarned, to retain it.

Now, as far as our codices are concerned, none of the three of better note, which we have employed in consultation, bears Jerome’s name in the title. The first, however, older than the others as far as we have seen, is from the library once of Nonantola, now of the Holy Cross in Jerusalem at Rome; the second, from Verona, in the library of the Observant Friars of St. Bernardine—this book, although it contains the whole New Testament, nevertheless does not have the Apocalypse; the third is with us, which we received from some museum in Milan. But also it is often possible to find very many others of this sort in the libraries of Italy, and especially in Florence, in St. Mark’s and the Laurentian, as likewise others—although rarer—which, with more audacious falsehood, prefix Jerome’s name.

We will speak in its proper place below concerning others who either omit, or recite with some difference from the common reading, that verse in the Epistle of St. John concerning the heavenly witnesses, for the sake of producing which this preface was composed. These things, meanwhile, will suffice to remove the foulest of all slanders, with which Faustus Socinus, the head of his sect of evil name, sought Jerome—so to say—as the true author of this prologue; who, when he had, as he says, perhaps chanced upon some copy or even several copies in which that clause of the triple witness, namely of the Father, the Word, and the Holy Spirit bearing witness in heaven, had been added, against the testimony of other copies both Latin and Greek, began to defend and to promote that clause as though genuine, complaining publicly that by the fault and fraud of heretics it had been erased from the common codices. For indeed Jerome wrote these things not at all, nor in his time had that clause fallen out from the Latin or Greek copies, nor at last had that monster of a man burst forth from the cavern of hell, who most often would drag into the calumniation of the sacred text the carelessness of scribes meeting him. Let us hear Martianæus:

The above is followed by a fairly length quotation from Martianaeus, who is - I believe - the well-respected scholar, Jean Martianay.

Martianay's comments were as follows (again, translation is my own, and not particularly good):

The censor’s rod of a recent writer has already been felt by this prologue to the seven canonical Epistles, in which same prologue the same author indicated that he also expected our observations, when he undertook a disputation concerning especially the manuscript of the Gospels at Cambridge. Therefore, thus provoked by him, we fear lest he who said whatever he wished may hear from us that which by no means he will wish. For we are not able to do anything against the truth, but for the truth; and if once he will have joined with us in zeal for it, whatever we shall demonstrate that he has written carelessly and not with full faith, he himself will be bound to confess simply and to amend. And because the pure light of truth could by no means shine upon the reader unless first the shadows of lies and of errors were removed, it will be the task of our plan first to note those things which in the recent Critical History of the New Testament are found discordant with the truth of the matters; but these having been examined, we shall set forth with highest faith and equal diligence how the matters are in the ancient books.

Therefore, that which he first observes concerning this preface, in the first volume of his Critical History of the New Testament, chapter 18, is not sufficiently accurate nor does it come near to the truth. For whereas he asserts that the present prologue is found in Latin copies written only six hundred years ago, but in other older manuscripts not so consistently repeated, either his trust in it wavers or something of diligence is wanting. For what is certain is that those most ancient codices of the Bible in which the prologue is lacking are rarer than those which have the same assigned. And lest anyone should think me to prolong the matter for the sake of shielding the writer of the critique with these words, I will cite most abundant witnesses of my assertion.

There are two most ancient manuscript codices of the sacred Scriptures in the Royal Library, and two likewise of the same age and dignity in the Colbertine Library, noted with the royal numbers 3561 and 3564; the Colbertine ones are numbered 1 and 158. All these copies are recognized as having been written before the times of Charles the Bald or in the same time, with no one gainsaying. Yet out of those four most excellent manuscripts of outstanding quality, three of the more notable have the aforesaid prologue written before the seven canonical Epistles. Whence an evident argument arises against the opinion of the recent critic—especially if to this authority there be added the same proof from again four manuscripts of our own library of Saint-Germain, where there remain to us both our own copies and those of the monastery of Corbie, of venerable antiquity, written on parchment more than eight hundred years ago.

As in the Royal and Colbertine codices, so also in ours is the result: for there is none among them, except that noted with the number 15, who does not have the prologue to the seven apostolic Epistles. Whoever will wish to consult them may have those designated by these numbers: 2, 4, and 23. Out of eight older manuscript codices, therefore, six are those which constantly retain the preface commonly ascribed to Jerome; but in the more recent, it is not always nor everywhere read as written— for it is lacking in the Colbertine codices numbered 6155 and 6180. Certainly, if I remember well, it is even more often lacking in ours than in the already-praised older ones.

For, when I once sought this prologue in many codices written more than four hundred years ago in Occitania long ago and in Aquitaine, it seemed to me, as far as my memory serves, to be often absent from them. But even if this were so, the absence of the prologue in some of the more ancient books contributes nothing to the proof of its falsity. For certain prefaces genuinely of Jerome are likewise absent in some of the most ancient manuscripts—for example, in the Royal manuscript number 3564, the preface to the book of Ezra is absent; and what you may marvel at more, in three copies of the Canon of Hebrew Truth the preface of Jerome to the Psalter translated from the Hebrew is absent. Yet it would be a small and petty thing, because of such carelessness of ancient copyists, to deny to Jerome the aforesaid little prefaces, which, with his inscription, are read written in so many other manuscript codices. Therefore, no force has the argument of the supposition of the prologue which the recent author strives to prove from its absence in some ancient codices.

He notes, in the second place, that neither Jerome’s name nor that of another writer was placed at the front of the prologue in some older manuscripts, and from this he infers that it is in accordance with reason to believe that the author of that little preface was not Jerome. But—with the permission of this learned man—I would say that those are little exercised in the reading of ancient codices who establish their opinion on such slight conjectures. For it is most manifestly verified that no name is more often affixed in the title of Jerome’s prefaces when, having been taken up by drowsy copyists, they are written out.

Of this kind are the following manuscript codices of the Bible: the codex of our monastery of Montmajour near Arles; the codex of Cardinal de Bonzi, which is found in his library at Narbonne; the Canon of Hebrew Truth of the Church of Carcassonne; finally, the codex of our monastery of St. Mary of the Daurade at Toulouse. In all these copies, whatever name of an author might have been inserted in the heading of the prefaces is omitted, and there it is read in this way: “Here begins the Preface to the book of Joshua”; “Here begins the Prologue to the books of Kings”; “Here begins the Preface to Job”; “Prologue to the books of Ezra,” and likewise for the others.

Nor do only these, but also the Royal, Colbertine, and Saint-Germain codices omit Jerome’s name frequently. The Royal 1564 thus entitles the prologue to Daniel: “Here begins the Prologue to the prophet Daniel.” The most ancient Colbertine, number 61: “Here begins the Preface to Jesus of Nave and Judges”; and for the book of Jeremiah: “Here begins the Prologue to the prophet Jeremiah.” Our Saint-Germain codex number 15, at the beginning of Paralipomenon, reads thus: “Here begins the Book Dabre lamim”; “Here begins the Prologue if the Seventy,” etc.

And so that I may not dwell longer in reviewing these, the Saint-Germain Bible codex number 164 retains the prefaces of St. Jerome as written, without any heading or inscription. Let our critic now see how far his conjectures differ from the actual experience of the matter and the practice of daily reading—that is, from the actual, verified truth of the facts.

In the third place, it is in agreement with the truth what he says, that this prologue is not found in the Royal manuscript codex number 3564; but he is entirely mistaken when he says that there are two manuscripts of the same age in our library of Saint-Germain-des-Prés in which the prologue to the seven canonical epistles is not read. For in all the manuscripts of that same library’s codices, diligently examined by us, if you except the one noted with the number 15, that prologue is found complete and entire and perfect in all its details.

The fourth error follows—if indeed it is one and not many—where he strives to show that the author of the collection of the Bible, who first embraced in one volume all the books of the Latin Vulgate, that is, of the Old and New Testament, placed the prologue at the front of the canonical Epistles. “It is certain,” he says, “that the little preface affixed in the copies of Charles the Bald at the beginning of the Acts of the Apostles was not written for this purpose by Jerome, but is taken from his larger prologue, which we call the Galeatus, and is read conceived in these words: The Acts of the Apostles seem indeed to weave a bare history and the history of the nascent Church; but if we shall know, etc.”

It is manifest that this slipped out to him through thoughtlessness; for who does not know that in Jerome’s Galeatus prologue there is deep silence concerning the books of the New Testament? A blunder which the critic author would not have pardoned even to his own allies, if he had detected any one of them in a formal decree reciting the Galeatus prologue for Jerome’s letter to Paulinus.

On the occasion of this error there came to mind a ridiculous question, when once a man otherwise learned asked us how in the Canon of Hebrew Truth there was set the testimony of the First Epistle of John where the discourse is of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit. Truly it caused us shame to have found a learned man so unskilled in the field of the divine Scriptures that he sought the fifth chapter of the First Epistle of the Apostle John in the Pentateuch of Moses, or in the order of the Prophets, or of the Hagiographa.

But let us return to the proposition. The preface placed at the front of the Acts of the Apostles in the Royal manuscript of Charles the Bald is excerpted from the letter of St. Jerome to Paulinus, where, after a summary and mystical exposition of the Old Testament, he also briefly touches on the New Testament, cursorily indicating what each book contains. Of this letter we know those parts to have been taken which are read in manuscript codices written in the manner of a preface at the front of individual volumes both of the Old and of the New Testament. Whence by no means did the author of the collection of the Latin Vulgate lack some little Jerome-preface, so that he should be compelled to forge a new one according to the opinion of the above critic; for in that same letter to Paulinus, Jerome has these fine words concerning the seven canonical Epistles:

“James, Peter, John, and Jude have published seven epistles, as mystical as they are brief and succinct, and likewise long—brief in words, long in meanings—so that he is rare who does not stumble in reading them.”

In the Colbertine manuscript number 158 these words are read set at the front of the seven Epistles, although some unskilled corrector—unknown to me—attempted to expunge them. In the same place they are also written in three other manuscripts of the same Colbertine library, whose numbers are these: 2767, 3214, and 6419.

Therefore, the one who first compiled the books of the Latin Vulgate could have placed this very little preface before the seven canonical Epistles, just as he placed certain things at the front of Acts and the Apocalypse, taken from Jerome’s letter to Paulinus.

Therefore fall the massive arguments of our critic, because the whole of them hangs on conjectures in which we have shown him to have erred abundantly. We, however, having entered upon another path, will try to make clear the spuriousness of the prologue now under discussion by some stronger arguments.

The first argument is sought from the name “Canonical Epistles,” which was unknown to Jerome, as it is easy to prove from his own words, which are read in more than one place in the Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers.

Thus in Peter, that is, in the first chapter of this work, he writes in this way: “Simon Peter wrote two epistles, which are called CATHOLIC, the second of which is denied by many to be his, because of a style different from the first.”

In James he repeats the same thing, saying: “James, who is called the brother of the Lord, having been ordained bishop of Jerusalem, wrote only one epistle, which is one of the seven Catholic [Epistles], and this also is asserted by some to have been published under his name, although gradually, as time went on, it obtained authority.”

In Jude, finally, likewise adding about the seven Epistles, he composed the whole chapter thus: “Jude, the brother of James, left indeed a short epistle, which is one of the seven Catholic [Epistles]; and because he takes in it a testimony from the book of Enoch, which is apocryphal, it is rejected by many; yet by now it has obtained authority through age and use, and is reckoned among the Holy Scriptures.”

You see, therefore, reader, that the name “Canonical Epistles” was never employed by Jerome, but when he wrote anything concerning them, he always said, “which are called Catholic,” or “which is one of the seven Catholic [Epistles].”

But on the contrary, the contriver of the spurious prologue calls them in no other way than “Canonical.” “The order,” he says, “of the seven Epistles which are called CANONICAL is not the same,” etc.

From this designation there is no slight conjecture that the author of the prologue wrote after the age of Cassiodorus, who likewise calls these seven Epistles “Canonical” in the book On the Institution of Divine Letters, chapter 8: “The eighth codex,” he says, “contains the Canonical Epistles of the Apostles.” And again: “But when great thought about the rest of the Canonical Epistles was wearying us, suddenly a codex of Didymus, written in the Greek style, containing an exposition of the seven Canonical Epistles, was granted to us by the Lord’s favor.”

By this different usage of naming the seven Epistles of the Apostles, we easily detect in the prologue affixed to them an author different from Jerome and of a later age: he calls them “Catholic” with Athanasius in the Festal Epistle and with the author of the Synopsis ascribed to the same, but “Canonical” with Cassiodorus—this false Jerome, the writer of the suspect prologue.

However, the Synod of Laodicea called these same Epistles “Canonical” when it set forth the list and catalogue of the divine Scriptures. But under this name, so far as I know, they are nowhere enumerated by Jerome, who was always accustomed to call them Catholic Epistles. And hence we not obscurely prove that the writer of that disputed prologue—whoever he may have been, whether Victor of Vita or some anonymous person who first endeavored to bind together in one body all the books of the Latin Vulgate—is a different person altogether and plainly other than Jerome.

The supposition of this same prologue we can further prove to be unfounded from the fact that its author boasts, as if of some great achievement and benefit, that he procured for the Church of God no small service by restoring to their proper order the seven canonical Epistles, and says that their sequence is different among the Orthodox Greeks and in the Latin copies. For this latter is altogether false from canon 59 or 60 of the Synod of Laodicea, where the Epistles are read set down in this order: one of James, two of Peter, three of John, one of Jude. The same sequence of Epistles is observed by Athanasius in the Festal Epistle, and by the author of the Synopsis of the Scriptures among Athanasius, Gregory of Nazianzus in his poem on the genuine Scriptures, John Damascene in book IV On the Orthodox Faith, chapter 18, and Nicephorus in the end of his Chronology, from which Anastasius the Librarian thus rendered it into Latin: “Catholic Epistles: one of James, two of Peter, three of John, one of Jude—together seven—verses indeed 1,300.”

Whence, then, did that false Jerome get the claim that the order among the Greeks who think soundly and follow the right faith of the seven Epistles which are called Canonical is not the same as is found in the Latin copies, and that among them the two Epistles of Peter come first in the order of the rest? Who among the Greeks has followed the right faith more than Athanasius, Gregory the Theologian, and John Damascene? Yet among them the order of the seven Catholic, or Canonical, Epistles is the same as in the Latin copies.

But what of such great importance can there be in that sequence of the Epistles in which the Epistle of James is placed first, that the author of the prologue equates the restoration of this order with the purity and integrity of the Evangelists—“But just as we have corrected the Evangelists long ago according to the rule of truth, so we, with God helping, have restored these to their own order”? This certainly contributes nothing to doctrine or to right faith whether the Epistle of James is placed first or last, provided we ascribe canonical authority to it with the Catholic Church; whether the Epistles of Peter are first, those of John last, with that of James in the middle and that of Jude following—nothing is gained by those who follow the right faith, nor is anything lost to those who have more reverence for the Word of God than curiosity in retaining the order of a peculiar reading.

We also know that this order of the canonical Epistles, which the false Jerome valued so highly, was neglected by the true Jerome in his edition, if Cassiodorus is to be believed. For that most studious man Cassiodorus, when he reviewed the various divisions of the divine Scripture, never once mentioned in them the order of the Epistles which the author of the suspect prologue calls his own. Rather, he gives a different one in chapter 12 of On the Institution of Divine Letters, whose chapter title is: “The Division of Divine Scripture according to Jerome.” In this Jeromean division, or catalogue of the books of sacred Scripture, after listing the Evangelists, we read thus in Cassiodorus: “After these follow the Epistles of the Apostles, of Peter two, of Paul fourteen, of John one, of Jude one, the book of the Acts of the Apostles by Luke, one book, and the Apocalypse of John, one book.”

If we believe that this series of books is true and proper to Jerome, and do not deny faith to Cassiodorus reporting it, it will be permissible to call impostor the writer of the prologue. Add to this the canon of Scripture in Augustine, book II On Christian Doctrine, chapter 8, where there stands this order of the canonical Epistles: “To these forty-four books of the Old Testament’s authority, the New Testament is added, which contains four books of the Gospel, fourteen Epistles of the Apostle Paul, two of Peter, three of John, one of Jude, and one of James, the book of the Acts of the Apostles, one, and the Apocalypse of John, one.”

And who does not know that Augustine preferred the Jeromean edition in the New Testament above all other Latin versions? How then is it that the perpetual praiser of Jerome’s edition of the New Testament, and one who always had it in hand, cared nothing at all for the order of the canonical Epistles, which the Catholic interpreter claimed, “with God helping,” to have restored? Therefore the author of the prologue set more weight on this restored sequence of Epistles than Augustine or Jerome are found to have placed on it in the cited passages; for this reason he is to be called other than Jerome, whoever he was, who sought to defend and prop up his own writing by the authority of that name.

It is true indeed that Jerome in the letter to Paulinus discoursed in the same order as they now stand in the Latin Bibles, concerning James, Peter, John, and Jude the Apostles. But it is one thing for an old man to follow the common and received order, or even diverse orders in different places; it is quite another to hope to have earned a very great reward of labor in restoring the supposed order of the canonical Epistles.

Nor are there lacking Latin codices in which these Epistles are written according to the Greek order, giving first place to the Epistles of Peter. For the Colbertine Library’s manuscript Bible, number 245, observes this order among the Epistles: two of Peter, one of James, three of John, one of Jude. In that same book, however, we read the testimony of the First Epistle of Blessed John, where it is said, “the Father, the Word, and the Holy Spirit are one.” From these things it is plain that our opinion is correct—that the arranger or restorer of the order of the seven canonical Epistles, and likewise the author of the prologue, was later in age than Jerome.

Now, if we should form a judgment about the author of the preface from the style, the fraud at once appears in his words. He could not express that Jeromean style and form of speech, but, amid the very tricks and the guise of another person which he fraudulently assumed, he shows himself far different from Jerome. The argument is similar in the preface of Jerome to the Twelve Minor Prophets, compared with the spurious prologue of the same to the seven canonical Epistles—dissimilar, however, are the phrases and periods found in each, unequal. At the beginning of the genuine preface Jerome thus writes: “The order of the Twelve Prophets is not the same among the Hebrews as among us; wherefore, according to what is read there, they are arranged here also.” But at the beginning of the false prologue the same sense is expressed differently: “The order is not the same among the Greeks, who think soundly in all respects and follow the right faith, of the seven Epistles which are called canonical, as is found in the Latin copies. And because Peter is first in the number of the Apostles, his Epistles also should be first in the order of the rest.”

I will confidently say that there is nothing in that whole compass of words which savors of Jerome’s phrasing and style. And where will you find in Jerome that phrase of the lowest Latinity, “quod quia” (“because that”)? So great a barbarism is utterly abhorrent to Jerome’s eloquence, and he himself abhors the many faults of speech which occur frequently in the context of that prologue. Whence he is to be considered false and spurious with justice, even though the name of the virgin Eustochium is heard there. For, as the false Ambrose says in the Epistle to the Thessalonians, “Falsifiers are accustomed, under the name of some renowned man, to invent an Epistle, so that the authority of the name may commend what in itself cannot be accepted.” Thus, under the name of Jerome many things are found to have been fabricated in the course of time, which are altogether unworthy of so great a man and could in no way fit his age. In two manuscript codices of our monastery of St. Andrew near Avignon I read in this way the inscription to a certain discourse concerning the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary: “Here begins the discourse of Blessed Jerome the presbyter to Paula and Eustochium and to the virgins dwelling under her, concerning the Assumption of Saint Mary.” Therefore, in a false work the name of Jerome avails nothing, nor do the apostrophes to Paula and Eustochium confer any authority, when, along with many other arguments, the fraud of a forged and spurious writing is demonstrated.

Moreover, many manuscript codices, even old ones, inscribe this spurious prologue with the name of Jerome. The Corbie codex, number 23, in our library of Saint-Germain, retains the title written in red ink: “Here begins the prologue of Saint Jerome the presbyter.” In the same way reads a very old Bible codex which now exists in the Colbertine library under number 158, although the name of Jerome seems to have been added in it by a second hand. In two manuscripts of St. Andrew’s near Avignon, it is prefixed with these words: “Here begins the prologue of Blessed Jerome the presbyter,” and the more recent ones likewise. The others, however, without the name of any author: “Here begins the prologue to the seven canonical Epistles.” So much for the prologue and for its title.

Now let us proceed to the testimony of John, on the occasion of which the prologue falsely ascribed to Jerome seems to have been composed for us. But, avoiding the weariness of a ragged disputation and compressing words into brief compass, we point out to the reader that verse 7 of chapter 5 of the First Epistle of Blessed John is lacking in many very ancient manuscript copies, and in many of the same age is supplied in the margins of the books; but in more recent ones it is always present—yet not in the same order, because there most often verse 8, that is, the things which are read at verse 8 in the Latin Vulgate, precedes verse 7, according to the following arrangement of the sacred text:

“For there are three that bear witness on earth, the Spirit and the water and the blood, and these three are one. And there are three that bear witness in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Spirit, and these three are one.”

And in the same manner the testimony of the Trinity is supplied in many older manuscript copies, in which we have said it was omitted by the first hand of the copyists. The matter indeed is so in all the manuscript copies, both old and recent; but if we remember that omissions of this sort easily slip in by chance and involuntarily among the ancient scribes, the great discord of the old codices will move no one. For nothing is easier to do than to omit words which are read a second time and consecutively. Nor will you find any kind of books in which similar faults of omission have not sprung up. Jerome teaches in book VI of his Commentary on Jeremiah, chapter 30, that many things were omitted in the Seventy Interpreters because they were said a second time. That passage is notable which fully establishes our case, and so it will be helpful to set it forth entire with its sacred context.

Therefore, in Jeremiah chapter 30, verses 14 and 15, we read thus written:

“All your lovers have forgotten you; they will not seek you. For with the wound of an enemy I have struck you, with cruel chastisement, because of the multitude of your iniquity; your sins have grown hard. Why do you cry out over your destruction? Your pain is incurable. Because of the multitude of your iniquity and because your sins have grown hard, I have done these things to you.”

Jerome, illustrating this in his Commentary, fittingly observed among other things:

“And what follows,” he says, “ ‘Why do you cry out over your destruction? Your pain is incurable. Because of the multitude of your iniquity,’ is not in the Seventy, namely, because it is said a second time, ‘Because of the multitude of your iniquity and your sins have grown hard,’ which those who wrote from the beginning thought had been added.”

Four clauses, therefore, were omitted in the Greek copies of the Seventy Interpreters because the words were said a second time and repeated by Jeremiah the prophet.

But we have found a still more suitable passage, or an example more effective for the proof of our omission, in the book of Joshua, chapter 21, verse 36, according to the division and numbering of verses in the Vulgate. For the threefold repetition of those words “The cities and their suburbs” which are read in verses 35, 36, and 37, gave occasion for error to the scribes, who omitted the middle verse—that is, verse 36—deceived by the likeness or the identical close of the phrase, which not only dulls the eyes of the careless, but sometimes also of the diligent, in writing out books. Hence among the Hebrews there were many older manuscript copies in which the words of verse 36 were entirely lacking, just as they are absent in the more accurate Latin copies of Jerome’s version, which we wish to be consulted at this place in Joshua, column 275 and following of this our edition.

Since what happens among the Hebrews and among the Greek copyists of books not rarely happens, why should the prudent reader deny that similar omissions occurred among the Latins? The slip is indeed very easy in the First Epistle of Blessed John, chapter 5, verses 7 and 8, because of the same words which are said a second time, namely, “there are three that bear witness” and “these three are one.” For those who from the beginning wrote Greek copies of the New Testament, after they had set down in the middle μάρτυρες ὅτι τρεῖς εἰσιν οἱ μαρτυροῦντες, that is, “because there are three that bear witness,” returning to the exemplar which they had before them, could easily join the earlier with the later, leaving out everything in between. And thus, by the error of the scribes, in very many books the two verses coalesced into one. And whereas there should have followed “in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Spirit, and these three are one,” immediately after the words already spoken ὅτι τρεῖς εἰσιν, etc., they placed those of another verse, ἐν τῇ γῇ τὸ Πνεῦμα καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ καὶ τὸ αἷμα, καὶ οἱ τρεῖς εἰς τὸ ἕν εἰσιν, that is, “on earth, the Spirit, and the water, and the blood, and these three are one.”

Such incomplete copies were used among the Latins by those who, translating the Greek Epistle of John, omitted the whole verse where it is said that the Father, the Word, and the Holy Spirit are one. Nor does the defect of a mutilated copy in any way hinder the emendation of Jerome, even if we grant that his own copy did not have verse 7 of chapter 5 of the First Epistle of St. John—just as it does no harm that in the true edition of the holy Doctor, in the book of Joshua of which we spoke above, the same passage was lacking which was not found in the copies of Hillel. On the contrary, defects of the translator’s version, not unlike the original exemplar, prove his fidelity. Nor indeed does he who is a faithful interpreter change anything concerning the truth of the Hebrew or the Greek by a few testimonies. Therefore, whether you say that one verse in the Epistle of John was omitted by Jerome or not omitted, you will gain nothing from it except the carelessness or error of ancient copyists, who in many copies join two verses into one.

But if it was not [in the text], why did the most holy martyr Cyprian write in the book On the Unity of the Church: “Of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit it is written, ‘and these three are one’”? Where are these things written unless in verse seven of the fifth chapter of the First Epistle of St. John? Why is that testimony cited by Victor of Vita, by Fulgentius, and by other more ancient writers? Would you say it was fabricated by them, or adapted to their own meanings, without the mark of rashness? Not so thought our predecessors, to whom it was a concern to gather many things from the Fathers in confirmation of that testimony which they read in the Epistle of John.

Witness is the very old Corbie manuscript codex, of the best quality, which contains the Acts along with the Apocalypse of John in one volume, and is marked in our library of Saint-Germain with the number 23. On its last page and an extra leaf, the writer of the volume appended these testimonies, so that the truth of the Scripture about which we are presently speaking might be confirmed. Thus, therefore, I found it written in it:

For there are three that bear witness on earth, the Spirit, the water, and the blood, and these three are one in Christ Jesus. And there are three that bear witness in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Spirit, and these three are one.

Likewise: These are they who bear witness in heaven, the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, and these three are one.

Athanasius: There are three that bear witness in heaven, the Father and the Word and the Spirit, and they are one in Christ Jesus.

Fulgentius: There are three that bear witness in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Spirit, and the three are one.

We frankly confess that the simple faith and diligence of this copyist pleased us more than all that apparatus of words of the recent critic, with which he strives to lower the authority of the sacred text in the First Epistle of Blessed John. Nor can we see without some bitterness of spirit the author of the Catholic Commentaries striving with all his might to prove that these words in the First Epistle of John, chapter 5, verse 7—“For there are three that bear witness in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Spirit, and these three are one”—were added by the rashness of ancient scribes, and were not written by the hagiographer himself. Alas! thus the Church of God, the pillar and ground of the truth, would be thrust upon us with the mere additions of scribes in place of the sacred text, especially in those sentences of Holy Scripture on which the faith of the most holy Trinity depends.

“But the authority of the Church,” says the author, “today presents to us that testimony as authentic Scripture.” As though indeed any authority of the Church of Christ could convert corruptions, interpolations, and other additions of scribes into the word of God and into canonical Scripture! Nothing, I say, is spoken more obtusely, nothing more destructive to the faith of the divine Scriptures.

Wherefore we wish sounder counsels for the learned man, who thought he was rendering service to God in his Critical History of Holy Scripture, although many things are found in his lucubrations which overthrow the traditions of the ancient Fathers and the authority of the Scriptures.

All these things said, what does the Prologue itself say? (yet again, translation is my own, and not particularly good)

The order is not the same among the Greeks, who think soundly and follow the right faith, of the seven Epistles which are called Canonical, as is found in the Latin codices: namely, because Peter is first in the number of the apostles, his Epistles also should be first in the order of the rest. But just as we have long since corrected the evangelists according to the line of truth, so we have restored these, God helping us, to their own order. For indeed the first of them is one of James, two of Peter, three of John, and one of Jude. Which, if as they were arranged by them, so also by the translators had been faithfully rendered into the Latin utterance, neither would they make ambiguity for the readers, nor would the variety of words clash against itself: especially in that place where concerning the unity of the Trinity we read it set forth in the first Epistle of John. In which also we have found that by unfaithful translators much has been strayed from the truth of the faith: placing in their edition only the words of three, that is, of the water, of the blood, and of the spirit, and omitting the testimony of the Father, and of the Word, and of the Spirit: in which chiefly both the Catholic faith is strengthened, and the one substance of divinity of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit is proved. But in the other Epistles, how far our edition differs from that of others, I leave to the prudence of the reader. But you, Virgin of Christ Eustochium, while you inquire from me more earnestly the truth of Scripture, you expose my old age in a certain way to be gnawed by the teeth of the envious: who proclaim me to be a falsifier and corrupter of the holy Scriptures. But I, in such a work, neither fear the envy of my rivals, nor will I deny to those asking the truth of Holy Scripture.

As you can see, this prologue doesn't explicitly mention Jerome.  Nevertheless, Jerome was well-known to have written correspondence with Eustochium, including Letters 22, 31, 108, and 157, and specifically to have addressed many of his commentaries and some of his translations to Paula and Eustochium, including his translations of Psalms from the Greek, his commentary on Ephesians, Galatians, Philemon, and Titus, his translations of Job, Chronicles, and the books of Solomon from the Greek, his commentary on Eclesiastes, his translation of Origen's homilies on Luke, his commentary on Haggai, his commentary on Micah, his commentary on Nahum, and his commentary on Zephaniah.

So, the reference to the "Christian Virgin Eustochium" seems to be designed to imply that the author is Jerome.  Interestingly, the oldest manuscript of this prologue is in the Codex Fuldensis (link), in which, however, the text of 1 John omits the heavenly witnesses.  This text does not seem to have the barbarism ("quod quia") mentioned by one of the critics, but still does have the odd descriptor "canonical" epistles, rather than "catholic" epistles.  

Important Update:

Kevin Edgecomb pointed me to a fascinating study of the Codex Fuldensis, which demonstrates that the Codex Fuldensis has "committentes" (attach) not "omittentes" (omit).  Moreover, this manuscript is not alone in this result.  In fact, many of the copies of this prologue either have "committentes" or had "committentes" before an erasure or other correction to the manuscript.  This makes more sense with the text of Codex Fuldensis, which does not include the text.  It is not certain what the original text of this Ps.-Jerome prologue was, but if we go by the earliest manuscript, it says that unfaithful translators attached the heavenly witnesses, not omitted them.

Tuesday, April 29, 2025

Jerome - Scriptures are the Foundation, Law, and Authority

Jerome, Letter 152 (to Riparius)

Nor am I moved by their writings, which I do not know, since I know that the will indeed of blasphemy is most wicked, but that they have not the strength of prudence and eloquence — especially also [not] the knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, which are the foundation of the faith, and the law of the ecclesiastical forum, and the authority of the ancestors.

Nec eorum scriptis, quae ignoro, moueor, cum sciam uoluntatem quidem blasphemiae pessimam, sed uires prudentiae et eloquentiae non habere praecipueque sanctarum scripturarum notitiam, quae sunt fidei firmamentum et ius ecclesiastici fori auctoritasque maiorum.

Riparius was a priest to whom Jerome annually wrote, although only four of the letters survive (per Andrew Cain).

Latin from CSEL 56 (p. 365)

Sunday, April 13, 2025

John Chrysostom and Jerome on Zechariah the son of Berechiah

Two theologians (contemporaries of one another and probably writing within the same decade or so) commented on Matthew 23:35 "Zacharias, the son of Barachias".  John Chrysostom, providing a homily, addresses the issue in a very summary way. 

John Chrysostom (c. 347 - 407), Homily 74 on Matthew (390-397):

But who is this Zacharias? Some say, the father of John; some, the prophet; some, a priest with two different names, whom the Scripture also calls, the son of Jehoiada.

By contrast, Jerome, writing a commentary, dives into much greater depth (footnotes are from the Fathers of the Church series)

Jerome (c. 347 - 420), Commentary on Matthew (398), Book Four, at 23:35-36 (pp. 266-68)

23.35-36. “That upon you may come all the just blood that has been shed on earth, from the blood of just Abel to the blood of Zechariah the son of Barachiah, who was murdered between the sanctuary and the altar. Amen I say to you, all these things will come upon this generation.” There is no doubt that Abel is the one killed by his brother Cain.[FN40] He is acknowledged as just not only by the Lord’s judgment, but by the testimony of Genesis, where his gifts are described as having been accepted by God.[FN41] But we do need to ask who this Zechariah son of Barachiah is. For we read about many Zechariahs. He even removes the possibility of error for us by adding: “whom you killed between the sanctuary and the altar.” I have read diverse things in diverse sources, and I ought to record the opinions of each of these. Some[FN42] say that Zechariah son of Barachiah is the eleventh of the twelve prophets. The name of his father is in agreement with this,[FN43] but the Scripture does not say when he was killed between the sanctuary and the altar, chiefly since in his time there were scarcely even ruins of the Temple. Others[FN44] want this Zechariah to be understood as the father of John.[FN45] They approve of certain daydreams from apocryphal writings that say that he was killed because he had predicted the Savior’s advent.[FN46] Since this view does not have the authority of the Scriptures, it is rejected with the same facility with which it is approved. Others[FN47] want this Zechariah to be the one who was killed between the sanctuary and the altar by Joash king of Judea, as the history of Kings narrates.[FN48] But one should observe that that Zechariah was not the son of Barachiah, but the son of Jehoiada the priest.[FN49] This is why the Scripture relates: “Joash did not remember the good deeds of Jehoiada his father, which he had done for him.”[FN50] Since, then, we should also retain Zechariah and the place of the killing is in agreement, we need to ask why he is called the son of Barachiah, and not of Jehoiada. Barachiah means “blessed of the Lord” in our language, and the justice of the priest Jehoiada is shown in the Hebrew language.[FN51] In the gospel that the Nazarenes use,[FN52] in place of “son of Barachiah” we have found it written: “son of Jehoiada.” Rather simple brothers point out reddish stones among the ruins of the sanctuary and the altar, or at the exits of the gates which lead to Siloam. They think that these were stained by the blood of Zechariah. We should not condemn their error, because it arises from their pious faith and from the malice of the Jews. We should briefly explain what he means when he says that the blood of just Abel until Zechariah son of Barachiah is required from this generation, seeing that [this generation] has put neither of them to death. The pattern of the Scriptures is to record two [kinds of] generations, [namely,] those who are good or those who are evil; that is, each generation is noted for the one or the other. Let us consider examples of the good: “Who ascends on the mountain of the Lord, or who rests on his holy mountain?”[FN53] And since he has described very many who would ascend the mountain of the Lord, who lived in various ages, afterward he adds: “This is the generation of those who seek the Lord, of those who seek the face of the God of Jacob.”[FN54] And in another passage it speaks of all the saints: “The generation of the just will be blessed.”[FN55] But of the evil it speaks as in the present passage: “A generation of vipers,” and “all things will be required of this generation.” And in Ezekiel, when he had described the sins of the land, the prophetic words added: “If Noah and Job and Daniel were found there, I would not forgive the sins of this land.”[FN56] By Noah, Job, and Daniel, he wants all the just to be understood, who are like them in their virtues. Therefore, even those who committed deeds against the apostles similar to [those of] Cain and Joash are referred to as being of a single generation.

Footnotes:

40. Cf. Gn 4.8.

41. Cf. Gn 4.5.

42. Cf. Origen, In Matth. comm. series, 25.

43. Cf. Zec 1.1.

44. Cf. Origen, In Matth. comm. series, 25.

45. Cf. Lk 1.5, 13.

46. Cf. Origen, In Matth. comm. series, 25; Epiphanius, Haer. 26.12.1-4. The apocryphal writing in question is the Genna Marias or “Birth of Mary,” also called The Protevangeliwm of James, which records that Zechariah, father of John the Baptist, was murdered by the same Herod who ordered the slaughter of the babies at Bethlehem. Probably this legend was suggested by the reference in Matthew’s text. See Hennecke-Schneemelcher, NTA 1, 344-45; ANF 8, 366.

47. Cf. Origen, In Matth comm. series, 25.

48. Cf. 2 Chr 24.22.

49. Cf. 2 Chr 24.20. H. Ridderbos, Matthew, Bible Student's Commentary (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1987), 433, thinks that the best explanation is to assume that the name of the prophet Zechariah's father was added later by an uninformed copyist.

50. 2 Chr 24.22.

51. Cf. De interpr. hebr. nom., p. 60 and p. 39.

52. See Pref., n. 6. It is interesting that immediately above this Jerome can condemn Origen (anonymously) for citing an apocryphal writing with approval, and then shortly thereafter cite one himself.

53. Ps 24.3.

54. Ps 24.6.

55. Ps 112.2.

56. Ezek 14.14.

*** 

TurretinFan's comments: 

Regarding footnote 54, it is less clear to me than to Thomas P. Scheck (the translator of the text and, I presume, author of the footnote) that Jerome is endorsing an apocryphal gospel, namely the Gospel of the Nazarenes.  Indeed, it seems that the majority of our information about this document comes from Jerome's references.

Regarding footnote 46, I agree with Scheck that Origen is likely the one in Jerome's sights for this error, and that both Origen and Tatian (who presumably influenced Epiphanius later) seem to have been influenced by the Protoevangelium of James.

Regarding footnote 49, it is interesting to note that one of the oldest copies of Matthew (codex Sinaiticus) omitted "son of Barachias" (although it was added to the margin by a corrector): 

My main reservations about this theory that the surname was added later by an uninformed copyist is that we appear to have multiple independent second-century attestation to the longer reading via Origen (c. 185 – c. 253)(Letter to Africanus), Tatian  (c. 120 – c. 180 AD)(Diatesseron), Irenaeus (c. 130 – c. 202 AD)(Against Heresies, Book 5, Chapter 14)


Monday, March 31, 2025

Jerome on Haggai 1 and Sola Scriptura

In the following, please consider how Jerome contrasts arguments from Scripture with arguments from alleged Apostolic tradition.

Jerome on Haggai, Chapter 1, vss. 11-12: 

(Verse 11.)

And I called for a drought upon the land, and upon the mountains, and upon the wheat, and upon the wine, and upon the oil, and upon whatever the ground brings forth, and upon men, and upon beasts, and upon all the labor of hands.

Concerning the drought, the Septuagint translated it as μαχαίραν (machairan), that is, a sword; but also in the Hebrew I found it written with three letters (ח ר ב), HETH, RES, BETH. If we read it as HAREB, it sounds like "sword"; if OREB, it means καύσωμα (kausōma) (or καῦμα (kauma)), which we have translated as "drought," although it might better be translated as "scorching wind."

And truly, since the discourse is about the land and the barrenness of the fields, it seems to me that in the present place a scorching wind ought to be understood rather than a sword — although any plague which is inflicted upon men because of sins can also be understood as a sword.

Therefore, the drought, or the sword, was called upon the land and upon the mountains, so that they might not produce wheat and wine and oil and whatever the ground naturally generates. After the famine comes first, consequently death comes upon men and upon beasts.

And the same sword or scorching wind consumes all that the hands of men have labored for. Therefore, the living word of God is called forth or brought forth, which is living, and effective, and sharper than any two-edged sword (Hebrews 4), so that the negligent soul (which is interpreted as dry land, and which desires rather to dwell in hollow places than to build the house of God) might be struck with its blade and whatever fruits it thinks it possesses might be destroyed.

A sword is also brought upon the mountains that lift themselves up against the knowledge of God, and upon the wheat and the wine and the oil — with which the gatherings of heretics flatter the deceived people, as though with food and drink and refreshment.

One might fittingly say that their bread is the bread of mourning, and that their wine is the fury of dragons and the incurable fury of asps. Also the oil — which is the promise concerning heavenly things, with which they anoint their disciples and promise the rewards of their labors — is detested by the prophet, who says:

"But the oil of a sinner shall not anoint my head" (Psalm 141:5).

And likewise, the other things which they discover and fabricate without the authority and testimonies of the Scriptures, as though by apostolic tradition, are struck down by the sword of God.

But let us take "men and beasts" to mean λογισμοὺς (logismous) and αἰσθήσεις (aisthēseis) — that is, their thoughts and senses — or certainly the rational and irrational in them, that is, both the learned and the unlearned alike.

And "all the labor of their hands" refers to their fastings and various observances and chameunias (chameunias) — that is, sleeping on the ground.

Those who fast during three Lents per year and humble their souls with ξηροφαγίαις (xērophagiais) — that is, eating dry foods — and who especially grow from the root of Tatian, hear concerning such labors:

"You have suffered so many things in vain" (Galatians 3:4).

But all these things that I have said can be understood concerning the rulers of the Church, who, building a carnal house and providing for their children and their possessions, do not care either to build the temple of God within themselves or to restore the Church of the Lord, which is uncovered and ruined.

The life and discordant speech of such men often scandalize many, cast them out of the Church, and lead the house of God into desolation.

But we do not say these things to accuse everyone generally, but because in every office and rank there are some who build and others who destroy the temple of God — and because of their fault, neither the dew of heaven comes down nor does the earth bring forth fruit; the ground dries up, the mountains become barren, the wheat and the oil and all that the earth produces perish, as do men themselves and beasts, and all the labor of hands is cut down and destroyed by the sword and the drought, or by the scorching wind.

(Latin can be found here)


Saturday, March 16, 2024

Jerome on Galatians 4:4-5

St. Jerome, Commentary on Galatians, Fathers of the Church Series, transl. Andrew Cain, (pp. 156-157), at Galatians 4:4-5

4-4-5. But when the fullness of time came, God sent his Son, made of a woman and put under the Law to redeem those under the Law, so that we might receive the full rights of [adopted] sons.

Take note that he did not say “made through a woman”— phrasing opted for by Marcion and other heresies which pretend that the flesh of Christ was imaginary—but “made of a woman,” in order to support the belief that Christ was born of a woman and not through her. As for his calling the holy and blessed mother of the Lord a woman instead of a virgin, this same thing is written both in the Gospel according to Matthew, where she is referred to as the wife of Joseph, and [in the Gospel according to John, where] the Lord himself scolds her as a woman. It was not necessary always to use the term “virgin,” as if being circumspect and cautious, for the word “woman” denotes gender more than it does union with a man, and the Greek γυνή can be translated as either “wife” or “woman.”

Latin from Migne, Patrologia Latinae, Tomus XXVI (of Jerome, vol. 7), col. 572 A-B: 

(Vers. 4) At ubi venit plenitudo temporis, misit Deus Filium suum factum ex muliere, factum sub Lege: ut eos qui sub Lege erant, redimeret, ut adoptionem filiorum reciperemus. 

Diligenter attendite quod non dixerit, factum per mulierem, quod Marcion et cæteræ hæreses volunt, quæ putativam Christi carnem simulant: sed ex muliere, ut non per illam, sed ex illa natus esse credatur. Quod autem sanctam et beatam Matrem Domini, mulierem, non Virginem nominavit, hoc idem et in Evangelio κατά Ματθαίον scriptum est: quando uxor appellatur Joseph (Luc. II), et ab ipso Domino quasi mulier increpatur (Joan. II). Non enim necesse erat semper quasi caute et timide Virginem dicere, cum mulier sexum magis significet quam copulam viri: et secundum intelligentiam Græcitatis, γυνή tam uxor, quam mulier valeat interpretari.

Alternative translation:

Diligently pay attention to the fact that he did not say, 'made through a woman,' as Marcion and the other heresies want, which feign the assumed flesh of Christ: but 'from a woman,' so that it is believed not through her, but from her he was born. That he called the holy and blessed Mother of the Lord, a woman, not a Virgin, the same is also written in the Gospel according to Matthew: when she is called the wife of Joseph, and by the Lord himself is almost reproached as a woman. For it was not necessary always to say Virgin as if cautiously and timidly, since woman more signifies sex than the union with a man: and according to the understanding of Greek, γυνή can be interpreted both as wife and as woman.

I've highlighted the place where Jerome acknowledges that Jesus use of woman in John 2 was, to put it gently, not positive. Jerome's focus in his response was not to suggest that "woman" here points to Mary as some new Eve, but rather to focus on the true humanity of Christ and to reject a flawed argument against Mary's virginity on the ground that she is called here, "woman," which presumably was used by the Latins to refer to a female who was married (or at least had engaged in copulation).

Thursday, August 24, 2023

Epiphanius didn't Fall for the Collyridian Teaching of the Bodily Assumption

Assumptionist argument: Epiphanius claims May was bodily assumed, because he compares her to Elijah, based on Panarion 79. This, they assert, shows that Epiphanius changed his mind between Panarion 78 and Panarion 79, even though the two are chapters of the same tome of the same book.

We respond (as explained in the video linked here):

First, in the immediately preceding chapter, Epiphanius had said no one knows the end of Mary.  Normal rules of hermeneutics dictate against interpreting Panarion 79 in such a way as to contradict Panarion 78.  Instead, the clear statement should drive our understanding, and the less clear statement should be interpreted accordingly.  The Assumptionist argument is based on what is viewed as an implication in Panarion 79, whereas the direct statement in Panarion 78 contradicts that alleged implication. 

Second, just because Epiphanius compares Mary to Elijah, we should not jump to conclusions, because there is an important reason as to why Epiphanius is comparing to Elijah rather than to, for example, Enoch:

In “Against Valesians” (38, but 58 of the series), at 4,8 Epiphanus cites Elijah in the Old Testament, alongside Paul in the New Testament as examples of holy virginity. Notably, this is right after similarly citing John and James, the sons of Zebedee at 4,6 (source, p. 103):

4,5 “And there be eunuchs,” says the Savior, “which have made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven’s sake.”6 Who can these be but the noble apostles, and the virgins and monks after them? (6) John and James, the sons of Zebedee, who remained virgin, surely did not cut their members off with their own hands, and did not contract marriage either; they engaged in the struggle in their own hearts, and admirably won the fame of the crown of this contest. (7) And all the millions after them who lived in the world without spouses and won the fame of this contest in monasteries and convents. They had no relations with women, but competed in the most perfect of contests.

4,8 So it is with Elijah in the Old Testament, and with Paul, who says, “To the unmarried I say that it is good for them if they remain even as I am; but if they cannot contain, let them marry.”7 (9) Now in what state did he “remain?” For if he had been a eunuch, and his imitators had remained like him in obedience to his “Remain as I”—how could a eunuch marry if he could no longer contain himself, in accordance with “Let them marry and not burn?”8 You see that he is speaking of continence, not of the mutilation of one’s members.

Similarly, in “Against the first type of Origenists, who are shameful as well” (43, but 63 of the series) he again cites Elijah and John:

4,4 Nor did those of them who practiced chastity and virginity debase the contest and make something else of it, as though to evade by trickery the virtuous mode of competing. (5) Elijah too never lightly entered towns or associated with women, but lived in deserts. Elisha, John, and all who [ exhibited ] this great mark of the imitation of the angels, made themselves eunuchs in the right way for the kingdom of heaven’s sake, in accordance with the Lord’s ordinance in the Gospel.

In “Against Origen also called Adamantius” (44, but 64 of the series), Epiphanius encounters the perfect place to cite Mary as an example of someone who was assumed into heaven like Enoch or Elijah, or who bodily ascended into heaven after resurrection, like Jesus.  Nevertheless, she does not come up: 

63,14 [ Anyone with a sound mind can see* ] that, [ just] because there is a spiritual body and an ensouled body, the spiritual body is not one thing and the ensouled body something else; the ensouled and the spiritual body are the same. (15) We have ensouled bodies while we are in the world and doing the corruptible deeds of the flesh; for in the world we are enslaved to the soul in its wicked deeds, as you too have said up to a point. (16) When we are raised, however, there is no more enslavement to the soul but there is a following of the Spirit, for from that time on they have the Earnest as scripture says, “If we live by the Spirit, let us also walk by the Spirit; and if we walk by the Spirit, by mortifying the deeds of the body we shall live.” (17) There will be no more marriages, no more lusts, no more struggles for those who profess continence. There will be no more of the transgressions which run counter to purity, and no more of the sorts of deeds that are done here; as the Lord says, “They that are accounted worthy of that resurrection neither marry nor are given in marriage, but are as the angels.”

64,1 And thus Enoch was translated so as not to see death, and was not found. But at his translation he didn’t leave his body, or part of his body, behind. If he had left his body he would have seen death, but being translated with his body, he did not see death. For he is in a living body, and because of his translation his state is spiritual, not ensouled, though, to be sure, he is in a spiritual body.

64,2 The same [ has been said* ] of Elijah, moreover, because he was taken up in a chariot of fire and is still in the flesh—but in a spiritual flesh which will never again need, [ as ] it did when it was in this world to be fed by ravens, drink from the brook of Kerith, and wear a fleece. It is fed by another, spiritual nourishment the supplier of which is God, who knows secrets and has created things unseen; and it has food which is immortal and pure.

64,3 And you see that the ensouled body is the same as the spiritual body, just as our Lord arose from the dead, not by raising a different body, but his own body and not different from his own. But he had changed his own actual body to spiritual fineness and united a spiritual whole, and he entered where doors were barred, (4) as our bodies here cannot because they are gross, and not yet united with spiritual fineness.

64,8 Why, then, did he enter where doors were barred? Why but to prove that the thing they saw was a body, not a spirit—but a spiritual body, not a material one, even though it was accompanied by its soul, Godhead, and entire incarnate humanity. (9) It was the same body, but spiritual; the same body, once gross, now fine; the same body, once crucified, now [ brought to life* ]; the same body, once conquered, now unconquerable. It was united and commingled with his divine nature and never again to be destroyed, but forever abiding, never again to die. (10) For “Christ is risen from the dead, the firstfruits of them that slept.” [ But once risen ] “He dieth no more; death hath no more dominion over him.” 65,1 But also, to show you why Christ is called “the firstfruits of them that slept” even though he was not the first to rise—Lazarus and the widow’s son arose before him by his aid, and others by the aid of Elijah and Elisha. (2) But since they all died again after rising, Christ is the firstfruits of them that slept. For after his resurrection “He dieth no more,” since, through his life and lovingkindness, he is to be our resurrection.

65,3 Now if he is the firstfruits of them that slept, and if his body arose in its entirety together with his Godhead, his human nature [ must appear in its entirety ] after its resurrection with none of it left behind,neither its body nor anything else. “For thou shalt not leave my soul in hades, neither shalt thou give thine holy one to see corruption.” (4) And what is said about the soul in hades means that nothing has been left behind; but “holy one” is said to show that the holy body has not seen corruption, but has risen uncorrupted after the three days, forever united with incorruption.

So, when he says in “Against the Collyridians, who make offerings to Mary” (59, but 79 of the series) that he is comparing Mary to Elijah, John, and Thecla (each of whose lives ended differently, according to Epiphanius), considering the common thread and the contextual evidence: 

4,6 Yes, of course Mary’s body was holy, but she was not God. Yes, the Virgin was indeed a virgin and honored as such, but she was not given us to worship; she worships Him who, though born of her flesh, has come from heaven, from the bosom of his Father. (7) And the Gospel therefore protects us by telling us so on the occasion when the Lord himself said, “Woman, what is between me and thee? Mine hour is not yet come.” [ For ] to make sure that no one would suppose, because of the words, “What is between me and thee?” that the holy Virgin is anything more [than a woman], he called her “Woman” as if by prophecy, because of the schisms and sects that were to appear on earth. Otherwise some might stumble into the nonsense of the sect from excessive awe of the saint.

5,1 For what this sect has to say is complete nonsense and, as it were, an old wives’ tale. Which scripture has spoken of it? Which prophet permitted the worship of a man, let alone a woman? (2) The vessel is choice but a woman, and by nature no different [from others]. Like the bodies of the saints, however, she has been held in honor for her character and understanding. And if I should say anything more in her praise, [she is] like Elijah, who was virgin from his mother’s womb, always remained so, and was taken up and has not seen death. She is like John who leaned on the Lord’s breast, “the disciple whom Jesus loved.” She is like St. Thecla; and Mary is still more honored than she, because of the providence vouchsafed her. (3) But Elijah is not to be worshiped, even though he is alive. And John is not to be worshiped, even though by his own prayer— or rather, by receiving the grace from God—he made an awesome thing of his falling asleep. But neither is Thecla worshiped, nor any of the Saints.

For the age-old error of forgetting the living God and worshiping his creatures will not get the better of me. (4) They served and worshiped the creature more than the creator,” and “were made fools.” If it is not his will that angels be worshiped, how much more the woman born of Ann, who was given to Ann by Joachim and granted to her father and mother by promise, after prayer and all diligence? She was surely not born other than normally, but of a man’s seed and a woman’s womb like everyone else. (5) For even though the story and traditions of Mary say that her father Joachim was told in the wilderness, “Your wife has conceived,” it was not because this had come about without conjugal intercourse or a man’s seed. The angel who was sent to him predicted the coming event, so that there would be no doubt. The thing had truly happened, had already been decreed by God, and had been promised to the righteous.

For those unfamiliar with the legend of John's Repose, and though I (not Epiphanius, clearly) think the story is complete nonsense, you can find the orignal? Coptic account at this link (original? Coptic version).  Notice that the story asserts that John maintained his virginity from youth to old age.  He prayed to God and then jumped down into the deep hole the brethren had dug at his command.  When the brethren returned they found his sandal and fresh dirt. (compare the sanitized versions promoted today, which try to suggest that John too was translated: OCA  Antiochian )

Similarly, you can read about Thecla in "The Acts of Paul and Thecla" (fiction, though Epiphanius seems to have believed it or perhaps some less fanciful version of it).  In that story, Thecla decides to break her engagement in order remain a virgin and follow the teachings of Paul.  Thecla gets condemned to be burned to death, but God puts out the fire with rain and hail.  She then accompanies Paul on his journey, where she is condemned to face the wild beasts in the arena, but the lioness just licks her feet.  Then she is again condemned to face the wild beasts.  This time the lioness not only comes to her feet, but fights off a bear and a lion for her, but the lioness is killed by the lion while killing the lion.  She then baptizes herself in a ditch of water and gets enveloped by a cloud of fire, which protects her modesty and wards off the wild animals. Another time, to allow her to escape persecution the rocks opened up and then closed behind her to protect her.  The account calls her "the first martyr of God" although, oddly enough, it only seems to include accounts of her avoiding martyrdom.  The account does acknowledge her eventual death, however.  Moreover, as far as I can tell, there is no tradition of Thecla being assumed, either in the East or the West.

With this background, we can see that Epiphanius is citing Elijah, John, and Thecla (each of whose lives ended differently) because of their holy character exemplified by virginity.

Moreover, while Epiphanius seems to adopt the legends of John and of Thecla, he does not buy the Collyridian Transitus Literature, which he refers to as "complete nonsense" and "as it were, an old wives' tale":


Furthermore, note that the verb for "worship" used by Epiphanius is the more general προσκυνέω.  Epiphanius' position is in direct contradiction to the later position of John of Damascus and the rest of the iconophiles.

Returning to the clear statement of Epiphanius, in “Against Antidicomarians” (58, but 78 of the series), Epiphanius reproduces his “letter to Arabia,” in which he states:

11,3 For I dare not say—though I have my suspicions, I keep silent. Perhaps, just as her death is not to be found, so I may have found some traces of the holy and blessed Virgin. (4) In one passage Simeon says of her, “And a sword shall pierce through thine own soul also, that the thoughts of many hearts may be revealed.” And elsewhere the Revelation of John says, “And the dragon hastened after the woman who had born the man child, and she was given the wings of an eagle and was taken to the wilderness, that the dragon might not seize her.”  Perhaps this can be applied to her; I cannot decide for certain, and am not saying that she remained immortal. But neither am I affirming that she died.

11,5 For scripture went beyond man’s understanding and left it in suspense with regard to the precious and choice vessel, so that no one would suspect carnal behavior of her. Whether she died, I don’t know; and [even] if she was buried, she never had carnal relations, perish the thought! (6) Who will choose, from self-inflicted insanity, to cast a blasphemous suspicion [on her], raise his voice, give free rein to his tongue, flap his mouth with evil intent, invent insults instead of hymns and glory, hurl abuse at the holy Virgin, and deny honor to the precious Vessel?

Thus, Epiphanius' position is unmistakable.  There is no reason to set aside this statement for wishful thinking.  

Third, poetic or incomplete comparisons to Elijah are not foreign to the writers of the patristic era:

Gregory Nazianzen, Oration 21, on Athanasius, section 7

7. … nor can I say whether he received the priesthood as the reward of virtue, or to be the fountain and life of the Church. For she, like Ishmael, Genesis 21:19 fainting from her thirst for the truth, needed to be given to drink, or, like Elijah, 1 Kings 17:4 to be refreshed from the brook, when the land was parched by drought; and, when but faintly breathing, to be restored to life and left as a seed to Israel, Isaiah 1:9 that we might not become like Sodom and Gomorrah, Genesis 19:24 whose destruction by the rain of fire and brimstone is only more notorious than their wickedness. …

Jerome’s letter To Eustochium, section 3, he states:

When the hosts of the enemy distress you, when your frame is fevered and your passions roused, when you say in your heart, What shall I do? Elisha's words shall give you your answer, Fear not, for they that be with us are more than they that be with them. 2 Kings 6:16 He shall pray, Lord, open the eyes of your handmaid that she may see. And then when your eyes have been opened you shall see a fiery chariot like Elijah's waiting to carry you to heaven, and shall joyfully sing: Our soul is escaped as a bird out of the snare of the fowlers: the snare is broken and we are escaped.

Aphrahat, Demonstration 6,

Whosoever is invited to the Bridegroom, let him prepare himself. Whosoever has lighted his lamp, let him not suffer it to go out. Whosoever is expectant of the marriage-cry, let him take oil in his vessel. Matthew 25:6 Whosoever is keeper of the door, let him be on the watch for his Master. Whosoever loves virginity, let him become like Elijah. Whosoever takes up the yoke of the Saints, let him sit and be silent. Whosoever loves peace, let him look for his Master as the hope of life.

Chrysostom, Homily 68 on Matthew, section 3:

So that if it seem good, let us leave Adam, and inquire what is the difference between the angels and this company of them who on earth sing and say, Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good will towards men.

And their dress is suitable to their manliness. For not indeed, like those with trailing garments, the enervated and mincing, are they dressed, but like those blessed angels, Elijah, Elisha, John, like the apostles; their garments being made for them, for some of goat's hair, for some of camel's hair, and there are some for whom skins suffice alone, and these long worn.

Pseudo-Clement (before Jerome but not 2nd century), Two Epistles on Virginity, 1st Epistle, Chapter 6

The womb of a holy virgin carried our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God; and the body which our Lord wore, and in which He carried on the conflict in this world, He put on from a holy virgin. From this, therefore, understand the greatness and dignity of virginity. Do you wish to be a Christian? Imitate Christ in everything. John, the ambassador, he who came before our Lord, he than whom there was not a greater among those born of women, Matthew 11:11 the holy messenger of our Lord, was a virgin. Imitate, therefore, the ambassador of our Lord, and be his follower in every thing. That John, again, who reclined on the bosom of our Lord, and whom He greatly loved, John 21:20 — he, too, was a holy person. For it was not without reason that our Lord loved him. Paul, also, and Barnabas, and Timothy, with all the others, whose names are written in the book of life, Philippians 4:3 — these, I say, all cherished and loved sanctity, and ran in the contest, and finished their course without blemish, as imitators of Christ, and as sons of the living God. Moreover, also, Elijah and Elisha, and many other holy men, we find to have lived a holy and spotless life. If, therefore, you desire to be like these, imitate them with all your power. For the Scripture has said, The elders who are among you, honour; and, seeing their manner of life and conduct, imitate their faith. Hebrews 13:7 And again it says, Imitate me, my brethren, as I imitate Christ. 1 Corinthians 11:1

The point of all this should be clear.  Epiphanius was in no way withdrawing his previous comments, he was reinforcing them.  References to Elijah are because of his holy character and repute.