Thursday, February 23, 2023

Bayes Theorem Argument of Dr. Peter van Kleeck

Starting at around the 48th minute of his debate with Dr. James White, Dr. Peter van Kleeck made the following argument (link to video): 

Thus far I have argued that 

1. God's word regards itself in autographic terms.

2. Given argument (1) the reformers historically regarded the TR as equal to the autographic New Testament text.

[3.] Finally my third argument is the probability that TR is equal to the autographic New Testament -- and this is very high. In order to make this argument, I borrow certain argumentative scaffolding from the Christian philosopher Richard Swinburne in his argument for the resurrection. If we are to make analysis of a given historical event -- like the TR as the word of God is equal to the New Testament autograph -- then we would expect to find three kinds of evidence:

[I] The first kind of evidence we would expect to find is posterior historical evidence, like artifacts, manuscripts, and testimony regarding the autographs.

[II] The second kind of evidence we would expect to find is called background evidence. This kind of evidence asks if there has been any past behavior on the part of the author of the autographs which would precipitate the existence of the autographs.

[III] Third and final | The third and final kind of evidence we would expect to find is prior historical evidence or the evidence that the author of the autographs would have good reason to bring the autographs into existence.

In short if the TR is the word of God -- is equal to the New Testament autographs -- we would expect that 

(1) God is the kind of being that created and preserved the autographs; 

(2) God would have good reason to create and preserve the autographs; 

(3) We would then expect to find artifacts, manuscripts, and testimony of the creation and preservation of the autographs.

For the Christian, that God is the kind of being that created and preserved the autograph seems obvious, seeing that God has promised to preserve his words and given the fact that | the autographs | the autographs are said to be God breathed. Furthermore, God has made the church to be of such a nature to receive these autographic words because the same God who gave these autographic words by inspiration also indwells the church.

Given number (1) that God would have good reason to create and preserve the autographs is very reasonable for the Christian and that as the Westminster Confession put it, God reveals himself through the autographs, "for the better preserving and propagating of the truth and for the more sure establishment and comfort of the church against the corruption of the flesh, the malice of Satan, and of the world," as a result of number (1) and number (2) we would expect to find the autographs and testimony to them among God's people. 

As I pointed out in my second argument above, that is indeed the case for the Protestant Scholastics. In sum, we see that God is the kind of being that would | create | preserve the autographs. Additionally, God had ample good reason to create and preserve the autographs. As a result, there is a robust testimony to the fact that we do indeed have the autographs in the Textus Receptus.

Let us now employ Bayes' theorem to determine the probability that the TR as the word of God is equal to the New Testament autographs given the evidence mentioned immediately above. 

Let the conjunction of these three types of evidence posterior, background, and prior be represented by E and let the assertion (I'll put it up here for you guys) and let the assertion that TR is the word of God is equal to the New Testament autographs be represented by T. As a result, we get the following probability equation.

The probability of T given E equals the probability of T given E, which is high, let's say 0.9, that number multiplied by the probability of E given T, which is also high, again let's say 0.9. This equals 0.89. 

We then move the numerator into the first set of brackets in the denominator and add that to the probability of not T given E, which is low given the converse in the numerator, let's say 0.1, multiplied by the probability of not E given T, which is also low given the converse in the numerator. 

As a result we get a .89 over 0.9, using a probability of 0.98 repeating or 98 percent -- greater than 98 probability, which is to say that under these conditions the fact that the TR is equal to the New Testament autograph is nearly certain.

Furthermore is highly improbable that God would create and preserve two contradictory autographs given our background evidence and prior evidence. Seeing then that the TR accords with the requisite background prior in posterior evidence thusly presented and that my opponent nowhere claims that he has an alternate but commensurate autograph, it || remains highly probable that the TR in the New Testament autograph || remains highly probable that the TR is the New Testament autograph, seeing that no meaningful undefeated defeater has arisen in the form of an alternate and superior autograph, which is also consistent with E. 

In conclusion, I have offered three arguments in defense of the proposition the TR as the word of God is equal to the New Testament autographs: 

argument one: God's word regards itself in autographic terms 

our argument two: because God's word regards itself in autographic terms the reformers historically regarded the TR as the autographic New Testament text 

in argument 3: the probability that the TR is equal to the autographic New Testament is very high.

As such, I encourage you, based on the autographic terminology of scripture, robust reform bibliology, and the overwhelming probability that TR is equal to the New Testament autograph, that you too accept the TR as the word of God and equal to the New Testament autographs. Thank you.

Bayes' Theorem is usually represented this way:


P(A|B) - The probability of A being true for a sample given B being true for the sample. 
P(B|A) - The probability of B being true for a sample given A being true for the sample.
P(A) - The probability that A is true for a sample.
P(B) - The probability that B is true for a sample.

We could take an intuitive American example as an illustration. Let
P(A|B) - The probability of [person in front of me is a cop] given [person in front of me has a gun]. 
P(B|A) - The probability of [person in front of me has a gun] given [person in front of me is a cop].  
P(A) - The probability of [person in front of me is a cop].
P(B) - The probability of [person in front of me has a gun].

P(A|B)20%0.20
P(B|A)99%0.99
P(A)10%0.10
P(B)50%0.50

P(A|B)2%0.02
P(B|A)99%0.99
P(A)1%0.01
P(B)50%0.50

P(A|B)99%0.99
P(B|A)99%0.99
P(A)1%0.01
P(B)1%0.01

Now when we consider PvK's argument, what are we supposed to use?

Solution0.987804878
P(T|E)0.9
P(E|T)0.9
P(-T|E)0.1
P(T|-E)0.1

Solution0.9
P(T|E)0.1
P(E|T)0.9
P(-T|E)0.1
P(T|-E)0.1

Solution0.9
P(T|E)0.9
P(E|T)0.1
P(-T|E)0.1
P(T|-E)0.1


It looks as though PvK was not sure what the P(B) value was, and so was trying to substitute the law of total probability, namely:

P(B) = P(B|A)P(A) + (PB|-A)(P(-A)

That still doesn't quite work, though, so I'm not sure where he got his equation.

In any event, coming back to his notation:

E = The conjunction of posterior, background, and prior evidence
T = the TR is equal to the New Testament autographs 

The question to be solved is this: what is P(T|E)?
To answer that using Bayes' Theorem, we would do the following:

Ask the question, what is P(E|T)?  That is to say, given the TR is equal to the New Testament autographs, what is the probability of having the conjunction of posterior, background, and prior evidence? 

In other words, in what percentage of cases where the TR is equal to the New Testament autographs, will we get such a combination of evidence?  

We then need to ask, in what percentage of cases is the TR equal to the New Testament autographs, and in what percentage of the cases is there a conjunction of posterior, background, and prior evidence.

Literally all of this data is just made up.


Monday, February 06, 2023

Lancelot Andrewes (and other Anglo-Catholics) Discussing Passover and Easter

Thanks to Project Canterbury, a number of Lancelot Andrewes' sermons are available online with mostly modern spellings.  The English seems to be fairly accurately transcribed (by Dr. Marianne Dorman), and the Latin seems very good, but other languages are less likely to satisfy the reader.  The work with Lancelot Andrewes' sermons seems to be part of a larger project to provide a Library of Anglo-Catholic Theology (LACT), which seems to be one of several foci of the Project Canterbury.  While the LACT remains incomplete, I am appreciative of its existence and efforts.

Lancelot Andrewes' discussion of Passover is of interest because of his prominent role in the translation of the King James version, particularly in view of his close connection to King James himself.  For example, at least some of the sermons are sermons that were preached with King James present.

In the following sermons, I've excerpted his use of the word "passover."  

  • Lent Sermon 1596 ("And I verily persuade myself, it we often would fix it before our eyes, and well mark the inscription, it would be a special preparation to our passover, meaning by our passover our end, whereby pass we must ere long into another state, either of misery or bliss")
  • Good Friday Sermon 1597 ("By the death of this undefiled Lamb, as by the yearly Passover, look for and hope for a passage out of Egypt, which spiritually is our redemption from the servitude of the power of darkness.")
  • Miscellaneous Sermon 1602 ("the Sacrament of the Passover, and the blood of it, was the means to save them from the Plague of the destroying Angel in Egypt")
  • Good Friday Sermon 1605 ("And to His Disciples in earth, This, this is the Passover that desiderio desideravi, 'I have longed for,' as it were embracing and even welcoming His death.")
  • Easter Sermon 1606 ("The very feast itself puts us in mind of as much; it is the Pascha, that is, the Passover, not a coming back to the same land of Egypt, but a passing over to a better, the Land of Promise, whither 'Christ our Passover' is passed before us, and will in good time give us passage after Him.")
  • Miscellaneous Sermon 1606 ("And it is a grant of the right and power of the trumpets, and with them of assembling the people of God. A right and power not to be lightly accounted of, or to be heard of with slight attention; it is a matter of great weight and consequence, the calling of assemblies. There is yearly a solemn feast holden in memory of it, and that by God's own appointment. No less than of the Passover or of the Lord itself, even the 'feast of the trumpets,' much about this time of the year, the latter equinoctial. And God appointeth no feast but in remembrance of some special benefit. It is therefore one of His special benefits and high favours vouchsafed them, and to be regarded accordingly.")
  • White Sunday Sermon 1606 ("It is agreed by all interpreters old and new--Cyprian is the first we find it in--that it was to hold harmony, to keep correspondence between the two Testaments, the Old and the New. So it was at Christ's death we see. He was slain, not only as the Lamb was, but even when the Lamb was slain too: on the feast of the Passover, then was 'Christ our Passover' offered for us. Now, from the feast of the Passover, reckoning fifty days, they came to Sinai; and there on that day, the day of Pentecost, received they the Law--a memorable day with them, a high feast, even for so great a benefit; and is therefore by them called the feast of the Law.  And even the very same day, reckoning from 'Christ our Passover' fifty days, that the Law was given in Sinai, the very same day doth the new 'Law' here 'go out of Sion,' as the prophet Isaiah foretold, exibit de Sion Lex; which is nothing else but the promulgation of the Gospel. 'The royal Law,' as St. James calleth it, as given by Christ our King: the other but by Moses, a servant, and savoureth therefore of 'the spirit of bondage,' the fear of servants; as this doth of the princely spirit, 'the spirit of ingenuity and adoption,' the love of children. ... The number thus settled, we descend to the second point, of the manner. And first, on their parts on whom the Holy Ghost came; how He found them framed, and fit to receive such a guest. It is called by the Fathers, Parascene Spiritus, 'the preparation,' as there was one for the Passover, so here for Pentecost. " [big jump] "To this doth Chrysostom join a second harmony. That as under the law, at this feast, they first put their sickle to the corn-harvest, in that climate, beginning with them in this month--the first fruits whereof they offered at Easter, and was called therefore by them festum messis; in like sort we see that this very day, the Lord of the harvest so disposing it, Who not long before 'lifting up His eyes and looking on the regions round about saw them white and ready to the harvest,' His first workmen, the Apostles, did put in their first sickle into the great harvest, cujus ager est mundus, 'whereof the world is the field,' and the several furrows of it, 'all the nations under heaven.' On the feast of Pentecost then second, because then began the great spiritual harvest.")
  • Easter Sermon 1607 ("This very day, Easter-day, the day of Christ's rising, according to the Law, is the day or feast of the 'first fruits;' the very feast carrieth him to the word, nothing could be more fit or seasonable for the time. The day of the Passion is the day of the Passover, and 'Christ is our Passover;' the day of resurrection is the day of the first fruits, and Christ is our 'first fruits.'")
  • Easter Sermon 1608 ("But so long as this is a Gospel, it will sound every Easter-day in our ear, that the buying of odours, the embalming of whatsoever is left us of Christ, is and will be a sign of our loving and seeking Him, as we should" [big jump] "The time of His resurrection is pascha, 'a passing over;' the place Galilee, 'a turning about.' It remaineth then that we pass over as the time, and turn as the place, putteth us in mind. Re-uniting ourselves to His Body and Blood in this time of His rising, of the dissolving and renting whereof our sins were the cause. The time of His suffering, keeping the feast of Christ our new Passover offered for us; leaving whatsoever formerly hath been amiss in Christ's grave as the weeds of our dead estate, and rising to newness of life, that so we may have our parts 'in the first resurrection;' which they are happy and blessed that shall have, for by it they are sure of the second.")
  • Easter Sermon 1609 ("'We have not so learned Christ,' St. Paul hath not so taught us. His rule it is; 'Is Christ our Passover offered for us as now He was?' Epulemur itaque - that is his conclusion, 'Let us then keep a feast,' a feast of sweet bread without any sour leaven, that is, of peace without any malice.")
  • Easter Sermon 1610 ("The two first verses we may well call the parascue, or 'preparation to the feast of passover,' which serve to stir up our regard, as to a mystery or matter of great moment, worthy not only to be written or enrolled in a book, but to be cut in stone; a monument to be made of it, as perpetuam rei memorian, 'Oh that,' &c. Then followeth in the third, his Redeemer and His rising, His passing over from death to life: 'I know,' &c., and out of it in the last, by way of inference, his own, Et quod ego, &c. set down with words so clear, and so full of caution, as in the Epistle to the Corinthians it is not fuller expressed." [big jump] "In this case he saw Him brought to the dust, and thence he seeth Him rising again; and so now it is Easter day with Job. ")
  • White Sunday Sermon 1610 ("To conclude: where shall we find it if not here, where under one we find 'Christ our Passover offered for us,' and the Spirit our Pentecost thus offered to us? Nothing remains but the Father Himself, and of Him we are sure too.")
  • Easter Sermon 1611 ("And never gave Him over, till they brought Him, Lapis ad lapidem, into a grave of stone, and rolled a stone upon Him, and there left Him. It is the feast of the Passover, we now pass over to His other estate, His exaltation ad Caput anguli." [big jump] "That day, the destroying Angel, I am sure, passed over you, and so it was truly the Feast of the Passover. Fit therefore to be remembered this day,--hic est dies, 'this is the day' of the Passover, this is Easter-day, the day of the Resurrection. ... Many ways was Christ, our blessed Saviour, a 'Corner-stone;' among others, especially in this, saith St. Hierome: Quando agnum cim pane conjunxit, finiens unum, inchoans alterum, utrumque perficiens in Semetipso. One chief corner-point of His was, 'when He joined the Lamb of the Passover and the Bread of the Eucharist, ending the one and beginning the other, recapitulating both Lamb and Bread into Himself;' making that Sacrament, by the very institution of it, to be as it were the very corner-stone of both the Testaments. No act then more fit for this feast, the feast of the Passover than that act which is itself the passage over from the Old Testament to the New. No way better to express our thanks for this Corner-stone, than by the Holy Eucharist, which itself is the corner-stone of the Law and the Gospel." )
  • White Sunday Sermon 1611 ("After Christmas day, and the poor estate of Christ's birth, there comes the Epiphany with a star, and great men's oblations, as by way of compensation. Presently after Good Friday and the sorrow of His passion, Easter day follows straight, the day of His triumph, to revive us again. And even so here, upon His Ascension or going from us, there ensues Whitsunday, the mends together withal." [big jump] "...so they deduce from the fifteenth day, the day of the Passover, and so fifty days, it will so fall out by calculation...")
  • Easter Sermon 1612 (See more detailed discussion below)
  • White Sunday Sermon 1613 ("And, because I spake of passing over, in the Passover it was so; both acts there. The Lamb slain--there is redemption; the posts stricken with hyssop dipped in the blood--there is the signature. Answerable to these two, with us: redemption by the Son of God at Easter; and the sealing by the Holy Ghost at Whitsuntide.")
  • Easter Sermon 1616 ("So from the estate of hope, by the resurrection as by a bridge, pass we over to the enjoying our inheritance. And that falls well with the feast, which is the feast of the Passover. The resurrection is so too; pass we do from spes to res. So passed Christ; so we to pass." [big jump] "That as all began with a resurrection, so it will end with one. Came to us by Christ's rising at the last and great Easter, the true Passover indeed, when from death and misery we shall pass to life and felicity.")
  • Easter Sermon 1618 (See more detailed discussion below)
  • Ash Wednesday 1622 ("And when the chaff is blown away, and the floor purged, when the old leaven which is hypocrisy is cast out; of the rest we are to make our sweet-bread, now against the great feast of our Passover we make ready for.")
  • Ash Wednesday 1623 ("Now in Nissan was the time when their Paschal Lamb was slain and eaten. The same is also the time of the killing of ours, of St. John Baptist's Lamb, 'the Lamb of God,' when 'Christ our Passover' was offered, offered for us in sacrifice, offered to us in Sacrament, to whom St. John Baptist will point us to take special notice of Him and of His time both.  And we now at this time to set those sour herbs and see them come up wherewith the passover is to be eaten, which are nothing else but these 'fruits of repentance.' Now to set them, that then we may gather them to serve us for sauce [433/434] to the Paschal Lamb. Thus every way we may say with the Apostle, 'Behold this is the due season,' Behold now is the convenient time. Now then, 'Bring them forth.'")

As a note, I've used the indication "[big jump]" to make it clear that the excerpts are not particularly close to one another in the source sermon.  The bold/underline emphasis in the text is, of course, mine.  I've made minor typo corrections where I found typos.  I've also removed page numbers that were provided bracketed in the text.

It's hard to make dogmatic conclusions from the evidence.  The Easter 1616 sermon seems to use "Easter" to refer both to Passover and Easter.  Similarly, the White Sunday 1606 sermon seems to use "Easter" in reference to both.  It is said to be Easter-day with Job, but proleptically as a vision of Christ's resurrection.  Andrewes' use of "Easter-day" is interesting in that it seems to provide evidence that if the KJV translators had wanted to refer to "Easter-day" in Acts 12, they could have done so.

As noted in the list above, two of Lancelot Andrewes' Easter sermons are particularly relevant to the discussion and warrant a more detailed look.  As you may be aware, the Scripture to be considered was dictated to the Anglican churches. 

Easter 1612, Andrewes was given 1 Corinthians v:7-8, where Christ is described as "our Passover."  This is not a very surprising Easter text.  By contrast, Easter 1618, Andrewes was given 1 Corinthians xi:16, where it is written, "But if any man seem to be contentious, we have no such custom, neither the Churches of God." This, as Andrewes quickly notes, is not the typical text for Easter Sunday. My best guess is that this verse selection was due to the influence of George Abbot (Archbishop of Canterbury), who evidently had Puritan tendencies and a backbone to stand up to the royal will. Interestingly, Abbot was initially quite well liked by King James and rapidly promoted.  The opposite was the case when it came to Charles I.  Also of note, Abbot was one of the KJV translators.  While cross-bow hunting in park, he accidentally shot and killed one of the park's keepers, making him the only Archbishop of Canterbury to (personally) kill anyone while in office. 

In the Easter 1612 Sermon (backup link), there are so many and pervasive references to the Passover, I'm reluctant to block quote all of them here.  The curious reader can go to the linked sermon and read the entirety of the sermon there.  I will, however, include the few references to Easter (by that name) in this sermon.

  • And truly upon this word, celebremus, may this feast of Easter seem to be founded. There is not only a warrant, but an order for the making of a feast. And sure, howsoever it will fall out with other feasts, this of Easter, if there were nothing else but the controversy that was about the time of keeping it, in the very prime of the Primitive Church, even immediately after the Apostles, it were enough to shew it was then generally agreed of all, such a feast was to be kept. And the alleging on either side - one, St. John's manner of keeping, the other, St. Peter's - proves plainly it is Apostolical, this feast, and that the Apostles themselves kept it. Itaque celebremus 'therefore let us keep it.'
  • But first, will ye lay the former and this together, immolatus and celebremus, and see how well it falleth out with us? Immolatus is His part to be slain. Celebremus is ours, to hold a feast. Good-Friday His, Easter-day ours. His premises bitter, our conclusion joyful; a loving partition on His part, happy on ours.
  • Celebremus, and epulemur. There be that refer celebremus to the day, epulemur to the action, and so it may well; both day and action have interest in this text. And then the text is against them that have never an Easter-day in their calendar. But the Fathers usually refer both the action. Their reason, because in truth the Eucharist now in the Gospel is that the Passover was under the Law, the antitype answering to their type of the Paschal lamb. It is plain by the immediate passage of it from the one to the other, that no sooner done, but this began. Look how soon the Paschal lamb eaten, presently the holy Eucharist instituted, to succeed in the place of it for ever. And yet more plain, that this very Scripture of my text was thought so pertinent, and so proper to this action, as it was always said or sung at it. And I know no cause but it might be so still. Two things Christ there, gave us in charge: 1. [Greek], 'remembering,' and 2. [Greek], 'receiving.'

Andrewes is abundantly clear that in his opinion the verse in question justifies, nay mandates, the celebration of Easter.  Andrewes views the verse as "against them that have never an Easter-day in their calendar," while acknowledging that the Fathers "usually" refer "celebrating" to the same action as the "eating."  He concedes that the Eucharist (i.e. the Lord's Supper) is the Passover that was under the law.

There is a tantalizingly ambiguous statement at the start of the Sermon:

There be two things give themselves forth upon the very first view of this text. 1. First, here is news, that we Christians, we also have 'our Passover;' 2. Then, that in memory of it, we are 'to keep a feast.' Pascha Judæorum, 'the Jews' Passover' we find in John, chapters two and eleven. Pascha nostrum, 'our Passover,' never till now. 

Notice that "our Passover" is never until now, according to Andrewes.  That would seem to imply that the reference in Acts 12 is not to our Passover.  However, Andrewes does not mention that text, and his comparative references are to "the Jews' Passover" in John's gospel.  Thus, Andrewes may simply be saying that this is the first time it is called "ours."  

Andrewes goes on to emphasize the idea that this is news, because it is a call to Gentiles to observe a feast.  Andrewes insists that the celebration must be apostolic, given credence to the claims that the two competing traditions are from two of the apostles:

And truly upon this word, celebremus, may this feast of Easter seem to be founded. There is not only a warrant, but an order for the making of a feast. And sure, howsoever it will fall out with other feasts, this of Easter, if there were nothing else but the controversy that was about the time of keeping it, in the very prime of the Primitive Church, even immediately after the Apostles, it were enough to shew it was then generally agreed of all, such a feast was to be kept. And the alleging on either side - one, St. John's manner of keeping, the other, St. Peter's - proves plainly it is Apostolical, this feast, and that the Apostles themselves kept it. Itaque celebremus 'therefore let us keep it.'

Elegantly, Andrewes argues: "So, 1. the benefit, 2. the means, 3. the feast itself, and 4. the duty of it, all are recapitulate in this one word 'Passover.'"  Andrewes continues by playing with the word "passover," referring it not only to the destroying angel passing over the houses but also to the people of Israel passing over the Red Sea.   Andrewes goes on to make a parallel application to us.  He even speaks of the world passing as a kind of passover.

Andrewes draws out the symbolism of the sacraments beautifully: "Christ's blood not only in the basin for Baptism, but in the cup for the other Sacrament."

Andrewes even takes "pass over" to the idea of transferring sins - the sins passing over from us to Christ. 

Likewise, Andrewes refers to the passing over of the Son from the bosom of the Father to the womb of his mother, and from the freedom of uncircumcision to the bondage of circumcision, and finally identifies the passage from death to life as a passing over. He concludes: "First and last, a Passover He was."  Nevertheless, Andrewes rightly emphasizes that Christ is our Passover by his death, his offering. Death passes over us, because he underwent it.

Andrewes wraps up his Sermon with these words, describing the heavenly supper of the Lamb:

A Passover that will never be passed over, but last and continue as feast to all eternity. Of that, this here is a pledge, if we neglect it not as it were not worth the taking. And He That at this time gave us this pledge, in His good time also bring us to the Passover whereof this is the pledge, even to the never-passing but everlasting joys and happiness, of His heavenly kingdom, through the offering of His blessed Son the very Paschal Lamb! 

Remarkably, in all this discussion, the mistranslation of Acts 12 never directly arises.  Andrewes never tells us one way or another what he believes that Passover refers to.  He does not seem to consider it theologically significant, at least in the context of this particular Passover-centric Easter sermon.

In the Easter 1618 Sermon (backup link), Andrewes starts his sermon by suggesting that the verse is not appropriate to the day: "This is no Easter text as we are wont to have, nothing of the Resurrection in it. It is not for the day."

After touching on his understanding of the text regarding men praying uncovered and women veiled, Andrewes turns to an application of the text to the question of Easter celebration.  Andrewes argues:

Then, will we descend to shew the keeping of Easter, to be such, ever in use with 'the Churches of God' from the time of the Apostles themselves. Which, if we can make plain, here is a plain text for it; that if one should ask, what Scripture have you why Easter may not be laid down? It may well be answered, Non habemus talem consuetudinem, nec Ecclesiæ Dei. Custom to keep it we have-the Apostles, the Church had it; but to abolish it, 'such custom have we none,' we depart from them both if we do.

Protesting yet, that we have no purpose to wave Scripture quite for the keeping of Easter. St Augustine is plain: Hoc ex auithoritate divinarum Scripturarum, per anniversarium Pascha celebratur; 'Even by authority of divine Scripture it is, that every year Easter is kept solemnly.' We have touched two Scriptures heretofore: 'The day, which the Lord had made,' applied ever to this feast. That text for the Old. And for the New Testament that verse in this Epistle, 'Christ our Passover is offered, let us therefore keep a feast.'

 But everything standeth fast and surest upon his own base, and the right base of this I take to be custom. We do but make ourselves to be pitied otherwhile, when we stand wringing the Scriptures, to strain that out of them that is not in them, and so can never come liquide from them, when yet we have for the same point the Church's custom clear enough. And that is enough, by virtue of this text. There is and will be enough ever in this text, to avow any custom,-the Apostles, the Churches of God had it; to disavow any-the Apostles, the Church of God had it not.

So, Andrewes acknowledges that Scripture has been appealed to for the celebration of Easter (specifically, Psalm 118:24 and 1 Corinthians 5:7-8), but Andrewes says it is better to assign this to custom.

On the other hand, Andrewes argues for the tradition and even speculates regarding the origin:

But as God would have it, the question never was of the feast itself, but of the time of it only. All kept Easter, though not at the same time. For the keeping they had the Churches' custom; for the time of keeping, they had their own;-the feast of the Christians, the time of the Jews.

And I will tell you how this came, first. From St. James, who was the first, there were successively one after another fifteen bishops of Jerusalem, all of them of the Circumcision. These, the sooner to win their brethren the Jews, condescended to keep their Easter, XIV. Lunæ, as they did. That which was by them thus done by way of condescension, was after by some urged as a matter of necessity, as if it were not lawful but on that day to hold it.

The first that it took thus in the head, Tertullian in the end of De Præscriptione saith, was one Blastus about the days of Commodus. He began a schism. And Iranæus presently wrote De Schismate contra Blastum. But after, from schism Blastus fell to heresy, and began that of the Quartodecimani; to whose manner of keeping it, for the most part, other heretics did cleave, leaving the Churches' custom of purpose since they were departed from her.

This use of "their Easter" does seem to suggest that Andrewes considered it appropriate to refer to "Passover" by the name "Easter."  

Andrewes continues, by suggesting that actually there was an opponent to Easter: Aerius.  Not Arius, but Aerius.  

Great pity some in our days had not been living to have advised the Church to have saved her pains, and never have striven so about it; the shortest way was to have made no more ado, but kept none at all. But non habemus talem consuetudinem, would have been their answer. But you will easily guess, if these for not keeping it at the right time were scored up for heretics, what would become of them that had been against the keeping of it at all.

Till now in our days, there was never any such but Aërius; he took it away clean, as Jewish. His reason was, saith Epiphanius, scorning it because 'Christ our Passover is offered. Christ our Passover is offered, let us therefore keep a feast,' said St. Paul. Let us therefore keep none, said Aërius, holden for so saying for little better than crazed. There was never any Council called about him; but as Aërius was his name, so was his opinion, and so it vanished into air, and was blown over straight. Otherwise all heretics, an Easter they had; not so much as the Novatians that called themsleves Cathari, that is, the Puritans of the Primitive Church, but one they had; but like good fellows, by their Canon adiaphorus, they left every one at liberty, so he kept one, to keep it whether way he listed; but keep one he must. This contending about this custom from the beginning, sheweth from the beginning such a custom there was.

Andrewes continues by describing the ancient calculation of Easter and the numerous church fathers who preached Easter sermons.  He also mentions the Nicene accomplishment of harmonizing the day of Easter.

But yet we have a more sure ground than all these. The Lord's Day has testimony in Scripture-I insist upon that; that Easter day must needs be as ancient as it. For how came it to be 'the Lord's Day,' but that, as it is in the Psalm, 'the Lord made it?' And why made He it? but because on it, 'the Stone cast aside,' that is Christ, 'was made the Head-stone of the corner?'-that is, because then the Lord rose, because of His resurrection fell upon it?

Now what a thing were it, that all the Sundays in the year that are but abstracts, as it were, of this day, the very day of the Resurrection, that they should be kept; and this day, the day itself, the prototype and archetype of them all, should not be kept, but laid aside, and be clean forgotten? That the day in the week we should keep; and the day of the month itself, and return of the year, we should not keep? Even of very congruity it is to be as they, and somewhat more.

I take this opportunity to comment on the fact that Christians recognize that the Sabbath commemorated the rest of God from his works (Exodus 20:11; 31:17) but that it was not necessary to have a separate "Creation Day" in the law of Moses.  So likewise, it is not necessary to have a separate "Resurrection Day" apart from the weekly commemoration.

Andrewes argues from various ancient customs, but tries to make a connection based on Origen's comments:

And last, by the never broken custom of a solemn Eucharist, ever upon this day. Origen in his seventh upon Exodus, he saith, our Easter day far passeth the Jewish Easter. They had no manna on theirs-the Passover was eaten in Egypt, manna came not till they were in the wilderness-but we, saith he, we never keep our Passover, but we are sure of manna upon it, the true Manna, 'the Bread of life that came down from heaven.' For they had no Easter then without a Communion.

Andrewes' wrap-up summarizes his argument well: "Ensuing the steps of the Apostles and the Churches of God, all, with whom joining in both, let us expect the blessing of God upon us ... ."  I'm not persuaded by Andrewes' arguments, but I notice that none of this clarifies the intent of the translation at Acts 12:4.

The LACT of the project also lists a number of folks with varying degrees of chronological connection or proximity to Lancelot Andrewes (1555-1626).  The assumption of the project seems to be that these folks represent the "Anglo-Catholic" strain of Anglicanism following Andrewes.  Some of the folks don't yet have their works entered into the project, and some have only a few. The folks include:

  • John Overall (1559-1619)
  • Richard Crakanthorpe (1567-1624)
  • William Laud (1573-1645)
  • William Forbes (1585–1634)
  • William Nicholson (1591-1672)
  • John Bramhall (1594-1663)
  • John Cosin (1594-1672)
  • Herbert Thorndike (1598-1672) 
  • Henry Hammond (1605-1660)
  • Hamon L'Estrange (1605–1660) 
  • Mark Frank or Franck (1613–1664) 
  • John Pearson (1613-1686)
  • Peter Gunning (1614-1684)
  • George Bull (1634-1710)
  • William Beveridge (1637-1708)
  • George Hickes (1642-1715) 
  • John Johnson (1662-1725)
  • Nathaniel Marshall (d. 1730)
  • Thomas Wilson (1698-1755)

Of the materials available through the project, the most interesting is Mark Franck's "Third Sermon Upon Easter Day"  In the sermon, Frank refers to "the Jewish Easter," and he says: 

Particular days are of God's making as well as others. God made such from the beginning, all days in the week, but the Sabbath in particular; all days in the month, but the new moons in particular; all days in the year, but the feasts and fasts, the Easter, the Pentecost, the Feast of Tabernacles, the great Kipparim in particular, to his service in particular among the Jews. And among the Christians particular days may be observed too. "He that observes a day, may observe it unto the Lord" And upon particular order we have such, Pascha nostrum immolatum; our Passover is slain, and we must keep a feast, we have an Easter. We have the Lord's day thence, and we may be "in the spirit upon" it; a "first day of the week," and we may "break bread," and make col-lections upon it. Panem frangere, and collectas facere, make meetings, and celebrate sacraments upon it. We have the Apostles at their pentecost; S. Paul, after that, making a journey to be at it; the Spirit descending on it, to sanctify particularly to God's service, to take it, as it were, away from the Jewish into the Christian calendar. We have a hodie natus est, a day for Christ's being born, taken up from the examples of an host of angels, by all Christian people (for I can scarce call them Christians any of them that deny it) ever since; a day of his incarnation too, whence the Christian era, all Christian accounts of the year have since ever begun and run; a proof sufficient to show, Christians have their observations of days as well as Jews, particular days and feasts, nay, and fasts too, upon Christ's in diebs illis jejunabunt, his particular injunction of them,--days all particularly made for his own service.

In the same sermon he makes reference to: "that devout and learned Bishop Andrewes," indicating at least some familiarity with his work.

He goes on to repeat the belief among those opposed to the Puritans that the reason for the different celebrations goes back to the apostles themselves:

"From the Apostles' times it came. Polycarpus,--that "angel," as is conceived, "of the Church of Smyrna,"--kept Easter, saith Irenaeus, with S. John, and with the rest of the Apostles' The great difference about the time of keeping Easter between the Eastern and the Western Churches, was grounded upon the different keeping of it by the two great Apostles, S. Peter and S. John: S. John keeping it after one reckoning, S. Peter after another; S. John keeping it after the Jewish reckoning, upon the fourteenth of the mouth Abib: S. Peter much after the account as now it stands, upon the Sunday following; but all the controversy was about the time, not about the keeping it; none denied or questioned that but Aerius, none left it at liberty but the Cathari, both registered for heretics about it. So confident were they it was from the Lord."

Notice the similarity of this to Andrewes' own comments.

Mark Franck's "First Sermon on the Circumcision" mentions, however, that the Lord's Supper replaces Passover, just as Baptism replaces circumcision:

The new Church has its new sacraments. Ite et baptizate for Ite et circumcidite; baptism for circumcision, and the Lord's Supper for the Passover; in both which of ours there is more than was in theirs, in those legal ceremonies; not only "outward signs" as they, but "inward graces."

After Franck, the second most interesting is John Cosin's Sermon XIII:

So the Jews were commanded to observe the feast of the Passover, the fourteenth day of the first month, let the position of the stars, or the face of the sky, or other observances be that day what they would; because that very day God smote the Egyptians, and passed over the houses of the ver. 13. Israelites; and again, enjoined to keep every seventh day of the week a Sabbath, as by this commandment; not that the Sabbath flay differed any whit in nature from another day, but for that upon it God rested from His creation of the universe. As they the seventh, so we that are Christians the first, in memory of Christ's resurrection, and many other glorious and great works that were wrought by Him upon it; which therefore, by way of a singular prerogative given to it above all others, we style, and usually call the Lord's day.

And this is that which St. Austin says, we hallow the memory of God's benefits to his Church, with solemn feasts and set days; lest otherwise, through negligence and ingratitude we should wholly forget what great things lie hath at those tines done for us.

Now why God should choose this first day of the week, which we call the Lord's day, rather than another, wherein to drew forth such manifest signs of' His power and goodness to us, it were a question vain and infinite; vain, for that no other reason can be given but His will and pleasure only, whereinto we are not to search; infinite, for that the self-same question would still remain, if God for that purpose had chosen any other day besides.

But this is the day which the Lord hath made, and made it so glorious and so venerable that thereupon the Church hath transferred all the glory of the other day, which was the old Sabbath of the Jews. The Sabbath then is gone, and the Lord's day is come in place of it, to be received obediently as the other, and to be observed too, religiously as the other, though not with the same ceremonies, yet with the same substance that the other was.

Turning from the Anglo-Catholics to the major early Reformed commentators:

John Lightfoot (1602-1675) in his commentary on Acts (volume 8 of his works) takes up the question of the timing of Peter's death (book pp. 277-79 and 281, pdf pp. 283-85 and 287). Lightfoot does not explicitly address the discrepancy between Easter and Passover.  Lightfoot's primary concern is aligning the history of Acts with other historical accounts of the first century.

Nevertheless, after repeatedly referring to the captivity of Peter as being at "Easter" in the preceding pages, at p. 286 (pdf p. 292), Lightfoot writes:

Agrippa, having laid hold upon him, deferred his execution[t English folio-edition, vol. 1, p.886] till after the Passover[u Sanctius in Acts xii.]; either because he would not defile that holy feast with effusion of human blood; or because he would afflict Peter the more, and give the Jews the greater content, by his long restraint ·and strait imprisonment; or rather, because he feared a tumult, if he should have slain him in that concourse of people, as was there at Passover-time.

So Lightfoot seems to believe that Herod's concern was either to avoid offending the Jews or to burden Peter.  Lightfoot appears to believe that the correct understanding of of Acts 12:4 is "Passover" rather than distinctly "Easter," though he clearly views the timing of the two to be the same.

Richard Baxter (1615-1691) provided a paraphrase of the New Testament (1685).  His paraphrase of Acts 12:4 replaces the word "Easter" with the word "Passover."  Additionally, his paraphrase explicitly comments, "The Holy days of unleavened bread or Easter are celebrated with the Murder of Chrst first, and of James after. This the Hypocrites holyness." (source)

Matthew Henry (1662-1714) in his commentary at Acts 12:4 indicates that "Easter" here ought to be read as "Passover" (source): 

(2.) He would do this after Easter, meta to pascha—after the passover, certainly so it ought to be read, for it is the same word that is always so rendered; and to insinuate the introducing of a gospel-feast, instead of the passover, when we have nothing in the New Testament of such a thing, is to mingle Judaism with our Christianity. Herod would not condemn him till the passover was over, some think, for fear lest he should have such an interest among the people that they should demand the release of him, according to the custom of the feast: or, after the hurry of the feast was over, and the town was empty, he would entertain them with Peter’s public trial and execution. Thus was the plot laid, and both Herod and the people long to have the feast over, that they may gratify themselves with this barbarous entertainment.

John Gill (1697-1771) in his commentary briefly states: "intending after Easter, or the passover," indicating his similar view.

Rudolf Gwalther (1519-1586) as translated by John Bridges (d. 1618) in 1572 acknowledged that the motivation was to please the Jews by avoiding desecrating the feast of unleavened bread: "And there was no let in him, but Peter also shoulde by and by haue bene executed: but bicause it was the dayes of sweete breade, he was through obseruation of the feast prohibited, least he shoulde by vnhallowing the feast, turne the good will of the Iewes from him, which by all meanes he sought to winne." (source)

Finally, for what it's worth, John Chrysostom discussed it this way, in his Homily 26 on the Acts of the Apostles (source): "“And it was the day of unleavened bread.” Again, the idle preciseness of the Jews: to kill indeed they forbade not, but at such a time they did such things! "

Tuesday, January 24, 2023

KJV Translation Errors at Mark 6:20

One place where a relatively small error in the King James Version can be found is in the translation of "συνετήρει αὐτόν" (preserved him) as "observed him."

Mark 6:20 - (KJV) For Herod feared John, knowing that he was a just man and an holy, and observed him; and when he heard him, he did many things, and heard him gladly.

Mark 6:20 - (‘16) because, Herod feared John, knowing that he was a just and holy man, and protected him. And when he heard him, he did many things, and heard him gladly.

Mark 6:20 (TR) ὁ γὰρ Ἡρῴδης ἐφοβεῖτο τὸν Ἰωάννην εἰδὼς αὐτὸν ἄνδρα δίκαιον καὶ ἅγιον καὶ συνετήρει αὐτόν καὶ ἀκούσας αὐτοῦ πολλὰ ἐποίει, καὶ ἡδέως αὐτοῦ ἤκουεν

Other Scripture uses of "Observe" with a Human Object

  • 2 Samuel 11:16 And it came to pass, when Joab observed the city, (שָׁמַר) that he assigned Uriah unto a place where he knew that valiant men were.
  • Hosea 14:8 Ephraim shall say, What have I to do any more with idols? I have heard him, and observed him:(שׁוּר) I am like a green fir tree. From me is thy fruit found.

There are not a lot of examples, but those that there are defy this "protect" interpretation of "observe."

Interestingly, the Hebrew of 2 Samuel 11:16 is the verb samar (שָׁמַר), which is variously translated, but can have the sense of saving or protecting.  In that particular context, it is plain that "observed" means "inspected."

The Hebrew word used in Hosea 14:8, sur (שׁוּר), only has the sense of watching. Moreover, like the use in Mark 6:20, it is immediately adjacent to a reference to hearing.  So, it is only natural to understand the intended meaning as being one of inspection. 

How was the phrase, "observed him" used in English books from 1511 to 1711?  My initial survey of the Google books from that era seems to confirm that "observed him" was generally used to mean "watched him" or the like.


The fact that the alternative readings in the margin (reproduced above) are "kept him" and "saved him" is the conclusive evidence that such is not the main text reading.  

Furthermore, we see that the "saw" sense of "observed" is the very sense understood by Edward Reynolds, Fellow of Merton College in Oxford (1632) (link to relevant page). Likewise we see Ralph Browning, Lord Bishop of Exceter, (1661) suggesting that "observed him" means that he watched John almost reverentially (link to start of Sermon on Mark 6:20)(link to substance)(Poole seems to concur).  Nathaniel Vincent (1681) seems to think that "observed" means something like "obeyed," (link)(so likewise Matthew Henry) but I was not able to find anyone who remotely contemporary who interpreted the words of the KJV as proposed by the Error-Free KJV folks.

Moreover, the same Greek word is elsewhere translated by the King James translators as "preserved" or "kept".  In fact, the following is the remainder of uses of the Greek word in the New Testament:

Matthew 9:17 Neither do men put new wine into old bottles: else the bottles break, and the wine runneth out, and the bottles perish: but they put new wine into new bottles, and both are preserved

Luke 2:19 But Mary kept all these things, and pondered them in her heart.

Luke 5:38 But new wine must be put into new bottles; and both are preserved.

Sunday, January 22, 2023

"God Forbid" in the King James Version

Introduction to the Literal Translation Objection to "God Forbid" in the King James Version (and many other English translations)

One of the things I love about the King James Version is that it is generally a literal translation.  It's my translation preference that translators stay out of the idiom substitution business.  For example, if I am reading something translated from German to English, I would prefer the German phrase, "Morgenstund hat Gold im Mund," directly translated to “The morning hour has gold in its mouth," rather than being translated to the similar English expression, "The early bird gets the worm."  The former approach is a literal expression, the latter is a dynamic equivalent expression.  While translating the German expression literally may be a little confusing to English readers, it conveys some of the beauty of the original language, and broadens the English reader's horizons and it seems fairly intuitive after a literal translation.  

I admit that there can be challenges to this translation methodology.  Finnish has the expression, "aukoa päätään," which I understand means "to [continuously] open his head."  The meaning of this idiom is not perfectly clear without some explanation (apparently it means to speak provocatively to the person).  Even more obscure than this is the English expression, "three sheets to the wind," as way of discussing someone who is drunk.  In both of these cases, it might be helpful for the translator to do something more than just literally translate the source language (depending on the extent of existing idiom-sharing between the languages, and the level of abstraction required to understand the idiom). 

There are also grammatical constructions that can complicate literal translation.  For example, while we might prefer to literally translate periphrasis, the actual meaning of certain periphrastic constructions may need to be expressed with significantly different wording in the target language than in the source language.

This leads me to the expression, "God forbid," found about two dozen times in the King James Version, nine times in the Old Testament, and the remainder in the New Testament.  The 1611 KJV never notes this translation issue in the margins at any of the places, whether in the Old Testament, New Testament, or Apocrypha.  In the following lists, I've noted the Septuagint (LXX) translation as a point of interest, with the following notation:

  • & cases the LXX uses "μὴ γένοιτο"
  • &* cases the LXX uses "μή μοι γένοιτο"
  • % cases the LXX uses "μηδαμῶς" 
  • X cases the LXX omits 
  • M cases the LXX has "May God be merciful to me" or "Mercy Me" form of ἵλεως (G2436)
  • NR cases the LXX has "It's not right for me"
  • &- cases the LXX uses "μή ... ἔναντι" (not ... next to)

Old Testament "God Forbid" translation of  חָלִילָה (ḥālîlâ)

The KJV translates halila as "God Forbid" in the following passages:

  • & Genesis 44:7 And they said unto him, Wherefore saith my lord these words? God forbid that thy servants should do according to this thing:
  • &* Genesis 44:17 And he said, God forbid that I should do so: but the man in whose hand the cup is found, he shall be my servant; and as for you, get you up in peace unto your father.
  • & Joshua 22:29 God forbid that we should rebel against the Lord, and turn this day from following the Lord, to build an altar for burnt offerings, for meat offerings, or for sacrifices, beside the altar of the Lord our God that is before his tabernacle.
  • & Joshua 24:16 And the people answered and said, God forbid that we should forsake the Lord, to serve other gods;
  • % 1 Samuel 12:23 Moreover as for me, God forbid that I should sin against the Lord in ceasing to pray for you: but I will teach you the good and the right way:
  • X 1 Samuel 14:45 And the people said unto Saul, Shall Jonathan die, who hath wrought this great salvation in Israel? God forbid: as the Lord liveth, there shall not one hair of his head fall to the ground; for he hath wrought with God this day. So the people rescued Jonathan, that he died not.
  • % 1 Samuel 20:2 And he said unto him, God forbid; thou shalt not die: behold, my father will do nothing either great or small, but that he will shew it me: and why should my father hide this thing from me? it is not so.
  • M 1 Chronicles 11:19 And said, My God forbid it me, that I should do this thing: shall I drink the blood of these men that have put their lives in jeopardy? for with the jeopardy of their lives they brought it. Therefore he would not drink it. These things did these three mightiest.
  • NR Job 27:5 God forbid that I should justify you: till I die I will not remove mine integrity from me.

Old Testament Literal translation of  חָלִילָה (ḥālîlâ)

The KJV literally translates halila as "far be it" (or the like) in the following passages:

    • % Genesis 18:25 - That be far from thee to do after this manner, to slay the righteous with the wicked: and that the righteous should be as the wicked, that be far from thee: Shall not the Judge of all the earth do right?
    • % 1 Samuel 2:30 Wherefore the LORD God of Israel saith, I said indeed that thy house, and the house of thy father, should walk before me for ever: but now the LORD saith, Be it far from me; for them that honour me I will honour, and they that despise me shall be lightly esteemed.
    • % 1 Samuel 20:9 And Jonathan said, Far be it from thee: for if I knew certainly that evil were determined by my father to come upon thee, then would not I tell it thee?
    • % 1 Samuel 22:15 - Did I then begin to enquire of God for him? be it far from me: let not the king impute any thing unto his servant, nor to all the house of my father: for thy servant knew nothing of all this, less or more.
    • M 2 Samuel 20:20 And Joab answered and said, Far be it, far be it from me, that I should swallow up or destroy.
    • M 2 Samuel 23:17 And he said, Be it far from me, O LORD, that I should do this: is not this the blood of the men that went in jeopardy of their lives? therefore he would not drink it. These things did these three mighty men.
    • &- Job 34:10 Therefore hearken unto me, ye men of understanding: far be it from God, that he should do wickedness; and from the Almighty, that he should commit iniquity.

    Old Testament Quasi-Literal translation of  חָלִילָה (ḥālîlâ) with YHWH, namely (חָלִילָה לִּי מֵֽיהוָה) translated as "LORD Forbid" 

    The KJV translates (חָלִילָה לִּי מֵֽיהוָה) or the like, namely חָלִילָה (ḥālîlâ) with YHWH, as "The LORD forbid" rather than God forbid.  I refer to this as "Quasi-Literal" because "LORD" is itself a quasi-literal rendering of the tetragrammaton, which is literally Jehovah or Yahweh, but also because it replaces "God" in the dynamic equivalent expression, "God forbid," rather than literally translating the statement. 

    • % 1 Samuel 24:6 And he said unto his men, The LORD forbid that I should do this thing unto my master, the LORD'S anointed, to stretch forth mine hand against him, seeing he is the anointed of the LORD.
    • % 1 Samuel 26:11 The LORD forbid that I should stretch forth mine hand against the LORD'S anointed: but, I pray thee, take thou now the spear that is at his bolster, and the cruse of water, and let us go.
    • &* 1 Kings 21:3 And Naboth said to Ahab, The LORD forbid it me, that I should give the inheritance of my fathers unto thee.

    New Testament Literal translation of Greek Equivalent[?] of חָלִילָה (ḥālîlâ) namely ἵλεως (hileos)

    In one place in the New Testament, Matthew quotes Peter using a Greek wording that is similar to three places where the Septuagint translates halila (the "M" notation above).  Interestingly, the King James translators at Matthew 16:22 seem to provide what appears to be a literal translation of the expression that Peter may have used in Hebrew/Aramaic.  Of course, we do not know whether Peter was speaking Greek or not in this case.     

    • Matthew 16:22 Then Peter took him, and began to rebuke him, saying, Be it far from thee, Lord: this shall not be unto thee.

    New Testament "God Forbid" translation of μὴ γένοιτο (me genoito)

    The phrase, μὴ γένοιτο, is consistently translated everywhere in the NT as "God forbid."

    • Luke 20:16 He shall come and destroy these husbandmen, and shall give the vineyard to others. And when they heard it, they said, God forbid.
    • Romans 3:4 God forbid: yea, let God be true, but every man a liar; as it is written, That thou mightest be justified in thy sayings, and mightest overcome when thou art judged.
    • Romans 3:6 God forbid: for then how shall God judge the world?
    • Romans 3:31 Do we then make void the law through faith? God forbid: yea, we establish the law.
    • Romans 6:2 God forbid. How shall we, that are dead to sin, live any longer therein?
    • Romans 6:15 What then? shall we sin, because we are not under the law, but under grace? God forbid.
    • Romans 7:7 What shall we say then? Is the law sin? God forbid. Nay, I had not known sin, but by the law: for I had not known lust, except the law had said, Thou shalt not covet.
    • Romans 7:13 Was then that which is good made death unto me? God forbid. But sin, that it might appear sin, working death in me by that which is good; that sin by the commandment might become exceeding sinful.
    • Romans 9:14 What shall we say then? Is there unrighteousness with God? God forbid.
    • Romans 11:1 I say then, Hath God cast away his people? God forbid. For I also am an Israelite, of the seed of Abraham, of the tribe of Benjamin.
    • Romans 11:11 I say then, Have they stumbled that they should fall? God forbid: but rather through their fall salvation is come unto the Gentiles, for to provoke them to jealousy.
    • 1 Corinthians 6:15 Know ye not that your bodies are the members of Christ? shall I then take the members of Christ, and make them the members of an harlot? God forbid.
    • Galatians 2:17 But if, while we seek to be justified by Christ, we ourselves also are found sinners, is therefore Christ the minister of sin? God forbid.
    • Galatians 3:21 Is the law then against the promises of God? God forbid: for if there had been a law given which could have given life, verily righteousness should have been by the law.
    • Galatians 6:14 But God forbid that I should glory, save in the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ, by whom the world is crucified unto me, and I unto the world.

    The non-literal rendering tends to obscure the fact that Romans 3:4 begins, "μὴ γένοιτο· γινέσθω δὲ," (may it never be, but may it be ...) and similarly tends to obscure the fact that Romans 7:13 says "... ἐμοὶ γέγονεν θάνατος μὴ γένοιτο ..." (to me become death - may it never become).

    Apocrypha Translations of Similar Expressions

    Although it is not inspired Scripture, the Apocrypha was also translated by the KJV translators, and included in the 1611 KJV to be read in churches at the appropriate times.  Although some have argued for a Hebrew original of some (or even all, which seems highly unlikely) of the Apocrypha, the King James translators were working from the Greek (probably original language in most places) as well as translations.  

    As highlighted below, the KJV inconsistently translated the Septuagint expressions that seem to correspond to halila.  1 Maccabees 8:23 seems to be a literal translation, perhaps because a non-idiomatic usage was intended.  As this is different from the other renderings, I've denoted it by "L" here.

    • M 1 Maccabees 2:21 God forbid (ἵλεως) that we should forsake the Law, and the ordinances:
    • L 1 Maccabees 8:23 Good success be to the Romans, and to the people of the Jews, by sea and by land for ever: the sword also and enemy be far from them, (μακρυνθείη ἀπ᾿ αὐτῶν)
    • & 1 Maccabees 9:10 Then Iudas said, God forbid (μὴ γένοιτο) that I should doe this thing, and flee away from them: If our time be come, let vs die manfully for our brethren, and let vs not staine our honour.
    • &* 1 Maccabees 13:5 Now therefore be it far from me (μή μοι γένοιτο), that I should spare mine own life in any time of trouble: for I am no better than my brethren.

    These translation choices seem roughly opposite the NT translation choices, in that the "ἵλεως" expression is translated as "God Forbid" in 1 Maccabees 2:21 but as "Far be it from thee" in Matthew 16:22.  By contrast, "μή μοι γένοιτο" is translated as "be it far from me" in 1 Maccabees 13:5, but as "God Forbid" everywhere else. 

    Possible Other Example?

    Psalm 109:17 As he loved cursing, so let it come unto him: as he delighted not in blessing, so let it be far from him.

    Although Psalm 109:17 may seem like a candidate text for another example of "far be it," this text uses the Hebrew word "rahaq" (רָחַק).  So, while there is some similarity in English translation, I don't think it is significant here.

    False Opposite Expression

    One wonders whether misleadingly inserting "God" into the "far be it ..." idiom renders it a false opposite of the Hebraic way of swearing by God's name: "the LORD do so to me, and more also" (Ruth 1:17), "God do so to me, and more also" (2 Samuel 19:13 and 1 Kings 2:23), "So do God to me, and more also" (2 Samuel 3:34), "So let the gods do to me, and more also" (1 Kings 19:2), "God do so and more also to me" (2 Kings 6:31), "God do so to thee, and more also" (1 Samuel 3:17).  Broadly, the formula "כֹּה יַעֲשֶׂה ...לִי וְכֹה" (do to me, and more also) does seem to invoke God's name explicitly, whereas the name of God is only explicitly invoked in the "halila" expression sometimes, by combining it with the  "halila" expression.

    Final Thoughts

    I'm almost always a fan of direct, literal translation of the text of Scripture, assuming it can be done with intelligibility.  I don't yet see a persuasive case for sometimes translating the Hebrew idiomatically, and sometimes literally.  I am open to being persuaded, but I'm not sure what shape that persuasion would take.  One interesting question to me is whether ἵλεως (hileos) is sometimes used in place of חָלִילָה (ḥālîlâ) based - at least in part - on their similarity in sound.  My guess is that this idea will not work out because the "h" sound before the Greek iota is usually pronounced much more smoothly than the rough "h" sound of the het. 

    Perhaps another time, we should delve into the usage of the "may it never be" in pre-Christian Greek writers, such as Euripides and others.

    Thursday, January 19, 2023

    Marginal Readings of the King James Version

    The translators of the King James Version were not certain about the correct translation and/or correct underlying original text in every single case.  As they explain in the front matter of the 1611, they felt it appropriate to put alternative readings in the margins in some cases.

    Some Error-Free-KJV folks share the contemporary criticism that the KJV translators received.  People think that putting marginal notations can produce doubt and weaken people's confidence in Scripture.

    There are three kinds of marginal indications in the King James: the asterisk (*), the dagger (†), and the double vertical lines (referred to as a caesura in poetry) (||).  The King translators also used some in-text indications.  When the tetragrammaton was translated as "Lord," they placed the "ord" in small capital letters.  Additionally, when the King Translators supplied words to the text, they indicated by using a simple Roman font rather than the usual Gothic font. There is at least one place (1 John 2:23) where the translators used the font change in a place where was apparently a split between the readings found in their printed texts.  It does not appear that the King James translators intended the chapter epitomes to be included as part of the text, and they were printed in that same (at least I believe it is the same) smaller Roman font as the inserted words.  The in-text indications also include English punctuation, including parentheses, commas, colons, periods, and question marks (though in the Gothic font they use, the question mark looks almost unrecognizable).  I did not find any semicolons or exclamation points in the text of the 1611 KJV.  If someone knows of any, I would be curious to see them.  A Gothic hyphen (two upslanted parallel lines) is used to break words that extend to a second line, and similarly a Roman hyphen (-) is used when the word is a supplied word) as well as similar marks that are not regularly found in text today, such as the pilcrow (¶).  The usual understanding is that the pilcrow in the 1611 KJV is that it is used to indicate separation of the text into paragraphs. Illuminated capital letters (as well as chapter headings) were used to indicate the start of chapters.  More elegantly illuminated capital letters were used at the start of books.  I did not observe any particular connection between the artwork used for the capital letters and the corresponding text. The more elegantly illuminated capitals sometimes have real or fantastic animals, humans, or other beings in them.  By way of commentary, I'm not a fan of the bare-breasted Eve, mustachioed Adam, or four-horned serpent shown in the Garden of Eden illustration in the Genealogies section, and I would have preferred if Lots' daughters had been more modestly portrayed. Thankfully, genitally are covered by banners. To my knowledge, the King James nowhere uses brackets in the text (as distinct from parentheses).

    In "The Translators to the Reader" section, italics are used to indicate Scripture quotations (though, interestingly enough, not necessarily according to the reading provided in the main text) as well as names (Syria, David, and Solomon, for example) Latin text, "Tolle, lege", and even quotations from other authors, such as Augustine and Chrysostom.

    The asterisk indications were used by the KJV translators to signal a cross-reference.  In the example at right,  Revelation 6:14 and Revelation 6:13 are identified as cross-references to different parts of Isaiah 34:4.  As can be seen here, sometimes more than one marginal note per verse was present.  Unlike modern footnotes and endnotes, these marginal notes were not distinguished using the verse number.  Instead, their relevance is established by their position in the margin, relative to the indicator found in the text.  So, "coupled ..." in Isaiah 34:4 corresponds Revelation 6:14, whilst "falling ..." in Isaiah 34:4 corresponds to Revelation 6:13, according to the marginal notes.

    The dagger (†) indications were used in places where the King James translators translated the text in a way that, in their judgment, departed from the literal words but nevertheless conveyed the sense.  In the example at the right, for Isaiah 34:1, the translators used, "all that is therein" in the main text, but noted that the Hebrew literally says: "the fullness thereof."  Similarly, at Isaiah 33:22, the KJV translators put "Lawgiver" in the text, but note that the Hebrew is literally "statute-maker."  

    The final indication is the double vertical line (||) indication. This is used for indicating alternative readings.  There seems to be some debate over the implication of this form of  notation.  In itself, the double vertical lines have no inherent meaning.  They were used by Stephanus in his Greek editions to link to marginal comments (sometimes including alternative readings).  The translators' letter to the readers uses them to link a Greek phrase to a corresponding English phrase in the first paragraph.

    However, in the text of the 1611 KJV, the double vertical line (||) indication is used to indicate alternative readings.  These are usually alternative translations of the underlying Hebrew or Greek text, but sometimes they are indications of differences amongst the available Hebrew or Greek texts.  In the example at right, at Isaiah 34:7, the first marginal note says "Or, Rhinocerots" and the second marginal note says "Or, drunken" whilst the marginal notes at 33:23 says "Or, they have forsaken thy tacklings."  In each case, these marginal notes indicate alternative translations of the text.  In some cases, they may seem fairly similar but with different connotations, "drunken" as opposed to "soaked," for example, while others may be a completely different word choice ("Rhinocerots" rather than "Unicornes"), and still others may have a similar sense, but evidently not quite the same sense: "they have forsaken thy tacklings" as opposed to "thy tacklings are loosed."  

    Now is as good a point as any to note that these marginal annotations seem to be at least somewhat at odds with the instructions provided by Archbishop Richard Bancroft to the translators.  His "Instructions" included the following instructions, relative to the margins (the earliest 17th century documentation for them I could find was from 1673higher quality from  1683):

    6. No marginal notes at all to be affixed, but only for the explanation of the Hebrew or Greek words, which cannot, without some circumlocution, so briefly and fitly be expressed, in the text.
    7. Such quotations of places to be marginally set down as shall serve for the fit reference of one Scripture to another.

    Assuming these rules to be genuine, note that the dagger notes in the margins roughly correspond to the marginal notes permitted under Rule 6, while the asterisk notes in the margins roughly correspond to Rule 7.  On the other hand, the double vertical line notes in the margins seem to be in violation of the sixth rule.  

    Nevertheless, the King James translators provide an explanation/justification for indicating a diversity of senses in the margin. 

    Here's the section from the translators' preface that is relevant to the question (all emphases added are my own, and the original italics are omitted, also I'm working from a modernized adaptation of the letter in the preface):  

    Reasons moving us to set diversity of senses in the margin, where there is great probability for each

    Some peradventure would have no variety of senses to be set in the margin, lest the authority of the Scriptures for deciding of controversies by that show of uncertainty should somewhat be shaken. But we hold their judgment not to be so sound in this point. For though "whatsoever things are necessary are manifest," as St. Chrysostom saith, and as St. Augustine, "In those things that are plainly set down in the Scriptures, all such matters are found that concern faith, hope, and charity" ; yet for all that it cannot be dissembled, that partly to exercise and whet our wits, partly to wean the curious from the loathing of them for their everywhere plainness, partly also to stir up our devotion to crave the assistance of God's Spirit by prayer, and lastly, that we might be forward to seek aid of our brethren by conference, and never scorn those that be not in all respects so complete as they should be, being to seek in many things ourselves, it hath pleased God in His divine providence, here and there to scatter words and sentences of that difficulty and doubtfulness, not in doctrinal points that concern salvation (for in such it hath been vouched that the Scriptures are plain), but in matters of less moment, that fearfulness would better beseem us than confidence, and if we will resolve upon modesty with St. Augustine (though not in this same case altogether, yet upon the same ground), Melius est dubitare de occultis, quam litigare de incertis, --"it is better to make doubt of those things which are secret, than to strive about those things that are uncertain." There be many words in the Scriptures which be never found there but once (having neither brother nor neighbor, as the Hebrews speak), so that we cannot be holpen by conference of places. Again, there be many rare names of certain birds, beasts and precious stones, etc., concerning which the Hebrews themselves are so divided among themselves for judgment, that they may seem to have defined this or that rather because they would say something than because they were sure of that which they said, as St. Jerome somewhere saith of the Septuagint. Now in such a case, doth not a margin do well to admonish the reader to seek further, and not to conclude or dogmatize upon this or that peremptorily? For as it is a fault of incredulity, to doubt of those things that are evident, so to determine of such things as the Spirit of God hath left (even in the judgment of the judicious) questionable, can be no less than presumption. Therefore as St. Augustine saith, that variety of translations is profitable for the finding out of the sense of the Scriptures ; so diversity of signification and sense in the margin, where the text is not so clear, must needs do good--yea, is necessary, as we are persuaded. We know that Sixtus Quintus expressly forbiddeth that any variety of readings of their vulgar edition should be put in the margin --which though it be not altogether the same thing to that we have in hand, yet it looketh that way--, but we think he hath not all of his own side his favorers for this conceit. They that are wise had rather have their judgments at liberty in differences of readings, than to be captivated to one, when it may be the other. If they were sure that their high priest had all laws shut up in his breast, as Paul the Second bragged, and that he were as free from error by special privilege as the dictators of Rome were made by law inviolable, it were another matter; then his word were an oracle, his opinion a decision. But the eyes of the world are now open, God be thanked, and have been a great while. They find that he is subject to the same affections and infirmities that others be, that his skin is penetrable; and therefore so much as he proveth, not as much as he claimeth, they grant and embrace.

    In other words, the marginal notes are not clarifications of the meaning, they are alternative meanings because there is some uncertainty (or was uncertainty in the minds of the KJV translators).

    Thus, taking the case of Isaiah 34:7, the KJV translators were not saying that "rhinocerots" is another word for "unicornes," but that it is a viable alternative reading at this place.  In point of fact (as I've demonstrated in another post), they were right to be uncertain here, and both the main text and the margin are in error.

    With this understanding, one can see why the marginal notes were deemed valuable by the translators.  I note that Archbishop Richard Bancroft passed away in 1610, without seeing the conclusion of the translation work that he had been instrumental in authorizing and overseeing to some extent.  Thus, perhaps his passing afforded an additional opportunity for the King James translators to bypass his rule.  I will note that this entirely my own speculation.

    Frederick Henry Ambrose Scrivener did an impressive study of the marginal notes.  Scrivener points out that practice was not new to the King James, have been practiced since at least the Tyndale New Testament of 1525.

    Scrivener notes that the alternative Hebrew original word readings are not easy to distinguish from the alternative translation of the same Hebrew readings.  

    Scrivener provides extensive notes, particularly on the marginal notes in the Apocrypha material, where the translators seemed to feel more free or at least felt greater need.

    In the New Testament, Scrivener suggests that many notable marginal readings are derived, in one way or another, from Beza.  This makes sense, given the high estimation of Beza's work at the time.

    What is absent from the margins of the King James are comments on the passage.  Many other versions included some (usually pithy) remarks about the text.  While the KJV includes chapter summaries, the margins are (as far as I can determine) free of such annotations as one might find in the Geneva Bible or even the Bishops' Bible.

    Some Additional Comments

    1. Paragraph/Pilcrow Marks in the 1611 KJV

    The final pilcrow of the New Testament is reproduced at right.  It occurs at Acts 20:36.   It remains a mystery as to why the KJV does not include any subsequent pilcrows.  The idea that the typesetters ran out of the pilcrow type seems beyond belief, since it was not necessary to typeset all the pages at the same time.  


    2. Question Marks in the 1611 KJV

    Examples of KJV question mark at right (at the end of Galatians 3:1, at the end of Galatians 3:2, in the middle and end of Galatians 3:3, and in the middle of Galatians 3:4.  This example also illustrates a marginal alternative reading of "so great" instead of "so many" for Galatians 3:4.

    3. Initial Letters in the 1611 KJV

    An example of an initial T with a fanciful creature, as the first letter of the book of Deuteronomy is shown at right.

    4. Sample from the letter of the Translators to the Readers in the 1611 KJV

    An example of Scripture quotation in the Translators' letter to the readers is shown at right.  While it is a bit small as shown, you can get a better view by clicking on it.  Interestingly, the very first text quoted differs from the KJV.  The 1611 KJV has for 2 Samuel 11:25 "the sword deuoureth one as well as another" whereas the translators' letter quote it as "the sword deuoureth as well one as another," a very minor difference, of course. Likewise, the quotation from 1 Kings 22:31 quotes the text as "to fight neither with small nor great, save onely against the King of Israel" whereas the 1611 KJV has "[no to] Fight neither with small nor great, saue only with the king of Israel." Again, a small difference, but a difference nonetheless.

    5. Criticism of the 1611 KJV with a Brief Discussion of a Marginal Reading

    Hough Broughton was not included in the KJV translation committee, and criticized certain aspects of its work, particularly as it related to his area of expertise, the Hebrew Scriptures (link to his criticism). One excerpt at right shows his comment about how he believed that, at least in this instance, the translators relegated the true reading to the margin. (also note his complaints against Bishop Bancroft and others on similar issues before the KJV translation)

    6. Others Writings on the Marginal Readings
    7. Additional Supporting evidence for the views expressed here:
    • An Exposition with Practicall Observations; continued upon the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth chapters of the Book of Job: being the summe of twenty three lectures, etc., Joseph Caryl (1650) (Example)
    • A Discourse concerning the Authority, Stile and Perfection of the Books of the Old and New Testament. With a continued illustration of several difficult texts of Scripture, etc
    • Volume 2, John Edwards (1694) (Example)
    • A Discourse concerning the Authority, Stile and Perfection of the Books of the Old and New Testament. With a continued illustration of several difficult texts of Scripture, etc
    • Volume 3, John Edwards (1695) (Example)
    • A Discourse of Conscience (1697) A. Bosvile (example 1)(example 2)(example 3)(example 4)